Tuesday, March 31, 2009

The Pentagon and JROTC Invade Sacramento

The Pentagon and JROTC Invade Sacramento

http://www.beyondchron.org/news/index.php?itemid=6758

by Marc Norton
Mar. 31‚ 2009

The sponsors of AB 351 tell the tale. Assemblywoman Mary Salas is
from that most military of cities in California, San Diego.
Assemblyman Michael Duvall is a Republican from Yorba Linda in Orange
County. San Francisco's own Assemblywoman Fiona Ma has now joined
forces with these two legislators to lead the Pentagon's latest
surge, this time not into Iraq or Afghanistan, but into Sacramento.

Tomorrow, the Pentagon's youngest recruits, the youth from JROTC
(Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps), will hold forth before the
TV cameras on the steps of the State Capitol. They will be there to
support the Salas/Ma/Duvall bill that would allow school districts to
give Physical Education (PE) credit to JROTC cadets, reversing
bipartisan efforts in recent years to strengthen PE standards in the
face of the declining physical fitness of our youth.

The JROTC troops will also be there to support Ma's AB 223, which
would have the state legislature require San Francisco to keep the
JROTC program in our schools, a clear violation of every precedent
about local control of education. Should Ma's bill become law, San
Francisco will be the only city in the country that is required by
law to hand over its 14 and 15 year old students to the Pentagon's
favorite military recruitment program.

Both bills will be up for a hearing before the Assembly Education
Committee tomorrow afternoon.

Retired US Army Colonel Gerald E. Webb, in his capacity as President
of the Association of the United States Army, San Diego Chapter, has
written a letter in support of AB 351. His support is no surprise,
but one might be surprised by his reference to a "recent letter of
concern from Secretary of Defense Gates" which allegedly "indicated
that JROTC has been given physical education credit in California
historically." We don't have access to that letter, at least not yet,
but the apparent intervention of the Pentagon's boss in support of AB
351 and JROTC, the very man charged with leading the surge into
Afghanistan, ought to raise a few eyebrows.

"There is no good reason for the Pentagon to drive educational policy
in California," says Marko Matillano, the coordinator of Military Out
of Our Schools in San Francisco, the organization that is leading the
charge to let JROTC close up shop in San Francisco in June, in line
with school board policy since 2006.

It is true enough that JROTC has historically used PE credit as a
recruiting tool. PE credit has been handed out like candy to freshmen
and sophomores looking to avoid gym class. But no one ever did any
real studies about the relationship of PE to JROTC. Until recently,
that is, when the San Diego school district sought to study this
question, apparently hoping to bolster the case for giving PE credit
to the military program. Unfortunately for the JROTC spin doctors,
the San Diego study actually "demonstrated that JROTC students fell
well behind students in regular PE," according to San Diego analyst
Rick Jahnkow of The Project on Youth and Non-Military Opportunities. Oh well.

Ironically, Assemblywoman Ma issued a press release just last week
citing "obesity" as the "most common disorder among teens." The
epidemic of obesity among our youth has been one of the major reasons
for tightening up PE standards in recent years, the very same PE
standards that Ma, Salas and Duvall now seek to relax on behalf of
the Pentagon.

The reason for the Pentagon's desire to insure that they can entice
young students into their military program with PE credit is
displayed clearly in San Francisco. When PE credit was withdrawn from
JROTC this school year, enrollment plummeted by over two-thirds, from
a recent high of 1,600 students to 500. Most of those 500 are seniors
and juniors who first got into the program as freshmen, back when
they got PE credit. The JROTC enrollment among freshmen last year was
meager, a total of 74 among the seven high schools offering the program.

"We're watching the San Francisco situation very closely," said
Curtis Gilroy, an official in the Defense Department's office for
personnel and military readiness, according to an Associated Press
report late last year.

Ma's legislative partner in the Pentagon's onslaught on California
education policy, Republican Assemblyman Duvall, is doing more than
watching closely. On the very same day that he signed onto AB 351, he
introduced two other bills. One of these bills seeks to "provide
equal access to military recruiters at public school fairs." Ma's
repeated statements pretending that JROTC is not a military
recruitment program stands in stark contrast to her ally's eager
promotion of military recruitment in our schools. Duvall's other bill
of the day would make it illegal to use "the names of fallen soldiers
on political paraphernalia [think T-shirts] without the consent of
the next of kin." God forbid that we might find out the names of
fallen former-JROTC cadets.

Duvall would undoubtedly love the San Francisco Examiner, the most
outspoken supporter in the city of the Pentagon's efforts to preserve
JROTC. The paper has run a slew of supportive articles in recent
weeks. For those with short memories, the Examiner also proudly
endorsed Republican John McCain for President not long ago. Despite
the fact that the Examiner tabloid is clearly way out of sync with
San Francisco voters in regard to party loyalty, it may end up being
the only daily in the city before long, if the San Francisco
Chronicle folds as has been widely predicted.

The Examiner last week ran an editorial titled "Keep JROTC a free
choice for high schoolers." This is an unfortunate choice of words,
as JROTC is far from free. Official school district figures clearly
demonstrate that the program costs school district taxpayers about
one million dollars per year.

In these tough economic times, million dollar bills don't grow on
trees – unless you are the Pentagon, of course. It is startling that
the Pentagon, with its way-north-of-$500 billion budget, has the gall
and the juice to foist most of the cost of its JROTC program onto
local school districts.

Last week, testifying before the San Francisco school board, it was
the youth from HOMEY (Homies Organizing in the Mission to Empower
Youth) who best spoke truth to power about JROTC. "Teachers are being
laid off, programs are being cut, schools are being closed," said
Alexandra, "and you want to give us a military program? The military
has a track record of targeting people of color and people from poor
communities."

"We need education," said Eric, another speaker from HOMEY, "not
someone to teach us it is ok to kill for the government. Where is
JROTC when my homies get killed?"

It ought to be a fascinating hearing on Wednesday.

If you want to let the Assembly Education Committee know what you
think, their contact info is here. I'm sure they would love to hear
from you. Let them know you oppose both bills, because they violate
local control, because they dangerously weaken PE standards, and
because the Pentagon should not be driving educational policy in California.

For more info, check out the No Military Recruitment in Our Schools
website, http://www.nomilitaryrecruitmentinourschools.org/

.

Monday, March 23, 2009

Soldiers: Army forced us to deploy despite health woes

Soldiers: Army forced us to deploy despite health woes

http://www.usatoday.com/news/military/2009-03-22-deployment_N.htm

By Gregg Zoroya, USA TODAY
3/22/09

FAIRBANKS, Alaska ­ When the "Arctic Warriors" Stryker Brigade left
for Iraq from nearby Fort Wainwright late last year, commanders told
soldiers who were suffering medical problems that they would also go to war.

Spc. Mark Oldham was on a plane to Iraq by Dec. 5 despite being
declared unfit because he passes out during training and requires a
30-day heart-monitor exam, his medical records show.

Sgt. Jesse McElroy, a combat veteran who had shoulder surgery in
September and could barely move his arm, according to his medical
records, was told to deploy or face charges for malingering.

Chief Warrant Officer Adisa "A.J." Aiyetoro, a 19-year veteran who is
stricken with active tuberculosis and unable to wear body armor
because of back injuries, according to medical and court records,
refused to go. "I'm not getting on that plane," he says. His
court-martial on charges of disobeying an order and missing a
deployment is scheduled for Monday.

"The only reason that I'm being deployed is they want (greater)
numbers" of troops in the field, Oldham said before leaving. He is
assigned to communications.

A recent Army inspector general's report says the process for
deciding a soldier's fitness for combat is so confusing that it
increases the chance of sending ailing troops to war.

At Fort Wainwright, 80 soldiers with health issues were left behind
when the 1st Stryker Brigade Combat Team deployed in September, says
Lt. Col. Jonathan Allen, an Army spokesman.

Twenty-three were later brought to Iraq to help "maintain (the
brigade's) personnel strength" ­ but only after their health
improved, he says. Oldham and McElroy were among those left behind.
Oldham was among those later deployed.

Army Col. Ronald Stephens, commander of Bassett Army Community
Hospital at Fort Wainwright, says his doctors work well with
commanders and follow all fitness guidelines.

Several soldiers caught in the process and willing to speak out tell
a different story. They describe a climate where commanders
constantly pressure soldiers with health issues to deploy, even when
their medical records ­ which they provided ­ show physical problems.

In response, a group of soldiers that includes McElroy plans to meet
Monday at the Alaska Peace Center here to gather signatures for a
petition to mail to members of Congress. The petition says, "As the
shortage of troops has become more and more difficult to overcome,
our commanders have become more and more aggressive in deploying
soldiers with injuries and illnesses."

"What we're trying to do is just get our stories heard," says Sgt.
Stephen Scroggs, who tracks the progress of ailing soldiers left
behind for the 1st Battalion, 5th Infantry Regiment. He is part of
the rear detachment and is involved in the petition drive. "A lot of
soldiers are suffering, I just don't want them to suffer anymore."

Allen says all medical cases were thoroughly vetted and when doctors
determined that soldiers met deployment health criteria, they were
deployed. Those with persistent issues stayed home, he says.

Aiyetoro began developing chronic, debilitating back pain after an
earlier combat deployment. He is an armament maintenance technician
with the 25th Brigade Support Battalion.

Medical records show that Army orthopedic surgeon Nick Sexton
classified him as non-deployable Aug. 25. Sexton wrote that Aiyetoro
is unable to wear his body armor and recommended a medical review
that could lead to a medical discharge.

Central Command specifically forbids a solder to deploy if body armor
cannot be worn: "In general, individuals should not deploy … (with)
conditions which prevent the wear of personal protective equipment,
including … body armor."

A revised evaluation issued for Aiyetoro a few days later by another
doctor found that he could wear body armor but "only during
mission-essential movements."

The Army did not make Sexton available for an interview. Stephens,
the hospital commander, declined to discuss Aiyetoro's case despite a
waiver Aiyetoro signed allowing Stephens to do so. Stephens said in
situation's like Aiyetoro's, it is possible for an initial medical
opinion to later be overruled.

Since then, doctors have again changed Aiyetoro's medical status. In
February, doctors concluded that Aiyetoro needed further tests on his
back to determine the extent of injuries and he needs additional
tests to determine whether his tuberculosis is active, according to
court records.

Aiyetoro says commanders cared more about filling their ranks than
about him getting better when they ordered him to deploy in
September. They made him feel like a malingerer for complaining about
his back pain, he says, and "they pretty much classified me as a dirt bag."

"They were not intending on getting me better (as much as) getting me
on that plane," says Aiyetoro, 36, married and the father of four.

The command offered to allow him to resign. Aiyetoro chose a
court-martial instead, the trial is slated for Monday at Fort
Richardson, outside Anchorage. "If I walk right now, it's as if I
never served in the military," he says, explaining that he would lose
benefits if he resigned.

McElroy says he also felt pressured by commanders. A veteran of a
previous tour in Iraq, McElroy aggravated a shoulder injury in 2006
when his Stryker vehicle was hit by a roadside bomb.

An initial surgery after his return from combat failed to correct the
damage, according to his records, and he underwent another operation
last September. His surgeon, Gregory Komenda, wrote in a December
report that McElroy "should be considered unable to perform his
duties." Military doctors reached the same conclusion with one, Mark
Clifford, writing in a January report, "Soldier is unable to perform
Infantry tasks."

Yet McElroy's immediate commander continued to tell him he would
deploy, first saying the second surgery should be delayed and then
saying McElroy would leave for Iraq after a 30-day, post-operative
convalescence, McElroy says.

After months of haggling, records show, McElroy was finally slated
for a medical review and a possible discharge for health reasons.
McElroy says he was accused of malingering and being a "sorry excuse
for a non-commissioned officer," because of his health issues.

In December, he says, he was told that if he was not in Iraq, he
would be charged with malingering. The charges never came, and at the
urging of Army doctors, McElroy was eventually slated for a medical
board review that could lead to a medical discharge.

"I signed up … knowing that at some point I would be sent into
combat. I have risked my life to defend this country," McElroy says,
adding that he feels "belittled, humiliated, threatened, angry, (in)
mental shock."

Allen says that soldiers have the right to complain to rear
detachment commanders about any mistreatment and that no complaints
were made in McElroy's case. "It is the Army's long-standing policy
to treat all soldiers with dignity and respect," he says.

.

Despite protests, DeKalb proceeds with Marines school

Despite protests, DeKalb proceeds with Marines school

http://www.ajc.com/metro/content/metro/dekalb/stories/2009/03/23/marines_school.html?cxntlid=homepage_tab_newstab

County plans to open public high school in partnership with U.S. Marine Corps

By KRISTINA TORRES
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Monday, March 23, 2009

DeKalb County school officials are forging ahead with plans to open a
first-of-its-kind military-style public high school, despite a
growing campaign by activists upset at the involvement of the U.S. Marines.

"It's the worst thing that's ever happened in Georgia education,"
said Michael Burke, a DeKalb resident and spokesman for the Georgia
Veterans Alliance, a group that aligns itself with the work of the
Georgia Peace and Justice Coalition, among others.

"The whole thing is just a ploy" to help the Marines recruit, Burke
said. "We expect to fight it tooth and nail."

That response irritated DeKalb school system officials. They said it
stereotypes the proposed Marine school and students who may be
interested in it. The protests ­ mounted largely through e-mails and
letters ­ have not deterred them, they said.

"This is not a training ground to send kids into the military," said
DeKalb schools Superintendent Crawford Lewis, whose system, with
99,700 students, is the state's third-largest. "My job is not to look
after a portion of children but all the children. One size does not
fit all. For the mom who believes her child is capable of going to
college but lacks discipline, this is a choice."

A DeKalb school spokesman said Monday the system has hired a
commandant for the school, which system officials hope to open in
August. The commandant was selected from a list of three candidates
from the Marines.

A memorandum of understanding with the Marines has not yet been
signed, although DeKalb school board members authorized the school's
concept Sept. 9.

The DeKalb Marine Corps Institute will be the first of its kind in
Georgia, and joins an expanding network of such schools nationwide.
The first public military academy opened in Richmond, Va., in 1980,
and more than a dozen now exist in places from New York to Wisconsin.

One proponent has been Arne Duncan, recently nominated as the
nation's education secretary after leading the Chicago public school
system since 2001. Chicago opened the nation's first public high
school run by the Army's Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps and
now features six full-site military academies, among other
military-style programs.

DeKalb officials say their school will combine academics with a
military-style regimen for as many as 650 ninth- through
12th-graders. The school's commandant will handle anything not
related to academic instruction. A principal will be hired to handle
academics, which includes a focus on math and science.

According to Lewis, the Marines would share costs of operating the
school, including paying for teacher salaries. DeKalb would pay for benefits.

High school students could apply from across the system to the
"choice" magnet school, although admission is dependent on their
mastery of algebra. Enrollment would not require a student to make
any post-graduation military service or commitment.

"I've gotten an awful lot of what you might say is irrational hate
mail" about the school, said DeKalb school board member Paul Womack,
who suggested the idea. "But this school is an outstanding school.
This is a chance to bring regimentation and discipline into the lives
of young people."

Lewis on Monday declined to be more specific about how the school
would operate, including costs, who would supervise teachers and
other management issues, because the system has not reached a final
agreement with the Marines. Lewis said he hoped the agreement would
be completed in two weeks.

The school will have its own campus, using an existing building.
Officials are considering placing the school at its Heritage Center,
located off Briarcliff Road in north DeKalb. Some neighbors, however,
have suggested in e-mails and on local blogs that the former
elementary school is too small.

.

Sunday, March 22, 2009

Soldier suicides skyrocket

[4 articles]

Soldier suicides skyrocket

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2009/03/19/army_suicides/index.html?source=newsletter

But a tepid Senate hearing on Wednesday, with no testimony from
lower-ranking combat troops from Iraq or Afghanistan, does little to
explain why.

By Mark Benjamin
March 19, 2009

WASHINGTON -- The Senate Armed Services Committee hearings Wednesday
on the rising suicide rate among U.S. ground troops in Iraq and
Afghanistan revealed some frightening new data, but did little to
investigate the underlying causes of what is emerging as one of the
darkest, most disturbing legacies of the wars.

Last year the Army had its highest suicide rate on record -- 140
soldiers. But new data from the Army on Wednesday showed the number
jumping even higher. Forty-eight soldiers have already killed
themselves so far this year. If that rate keeps up, nearly 225 Army
soldiers will be dead by their own hand by the end of 2009.

Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich.,
called the latest trends "alarming." Army Vice Chief of Staff Peter
Chiarelli admitted, "I, and the other senior leaders of our Army,
readily acknowledge that these current figures are unacceptable."

A Senate hearing is an oddly sterile way to plumb the depths of this
heart-wrenching problem. The soldiers overdosing in the barracks at
Fort Carson or putting their M16s to their heads in Iraq are mostly
lower-ranking troops, privates and specialists. But on Wednesday, the
Senate only heard testimony from star-studded top military officials,
such as Chiarelli, Marine Corps Gen. James Amos and Navy Adm. Patrick
Walsh. There wasn't a private or specialist in the room, much less
one who had attempted suicide who could tell the senators why he
tried. Nor did Congress hear from any of the hundreds of frazzled,
overworked and overwhelmed behavioral healthcare providers at Fort
Bragg or Fort Campbell or any other base who seem ready to throw up
their hands in frustration.

"The Army is taking a hard look at every single facet of our
organization to make a determination on what can and should be done
to address this problem," Chiarelli announced antiseptically.

A recent series in Salon
http://www.salon.com/news/special/coming_home/2009/02/09/coming_home_intro/
revealed that soldiers returning from long tours in Iraq or
Afghanistan suffering from combat stress were sometimes met with
scorn from their superiors and something bordering on neglect from
some medical officials. As their largely untreated problems
deteriorated, their marriages unraveled under the strain. They turned
to alcohol and drugs and in some cases saw no other way out than suicide.

Meanwhile, healthcare officials at various installations who are
struggling to help say they're overwhelmed by huge numbers of troops
returning from two, three or even four deployments with acute mental
problems from combat.

Top brass in the military continue to be evasive about the problem,
however. While some admit that combat stress may be a factor, others
deny that seven long years of war with multiple deployments has
anything to do with escalating suicide rates.

"We have been concerned that one outcome of the stress from
operational deployments might be increased suicides," said Amos, the
assistant commandant of the Marine Corps. "However, to date, we have
not seen that hypothesis prove out," he added, noting that Marines
with multiple deployments to war are not "overrepresented in the
suicide population."

Rather, Amos pointed the finger at relationships."We have looked at
the data to try to find answers that will enable us to address this
needles loss of life," he said. "The most likely cause is a failed
relationship with a woman," Amos said flatly.

Chiarelli, the Army vice chief of staff, inched toward admitting that
war-related stress constituted part of the problem. "We are at war,
and we have been at war for the past seven-plus years," he noted.
"That has undeniably put a strain on our people and equipment," he
admitted. "The reality is we are dealing with a tired and stretched force."

He quickly added that other factors, including marital discord,
family disagreements, legal, financial and work problems, may have
caused the spike in suicides.

Even without an Army private or healthcare worker in the Senate
hearing room to pierce through the fog of data, the numbers
themselves seem to blame combat-related stress. The Marine Corps, the
other service besides the Army doing the grunt work in Iraq and
Afghanistan, has also seen significant increases in the number of
suicides over each of the past three years. Two-thirds of the Army
soldiers who committed suicide had deployed to Iraq or Afghanistan.
And while the suicide rates among the Army and Marine Corps ground
troops reached an all-time high of around 19 suicides per 100,000
troops last year, rates in the Navy and Air Force have remained
relatively flat at around 11.5.

The Army has implemented a "chain teaching" of suicide prevention
for a 120-day period, according to Chiarelli. Army commanders along
with their troops recently received a two-hour training session on
suicide prevention and each unit also got a video on the subject.

But a behavioral health worker at a southern Army installation
described her current job climate like a car repair shop, with every
slot full in the garage and a line going down the block. I asked her
if the new programs would stem the tide of suicides. "No," she answered.

History may not look kindly on the Senate's efforts to oversee the
matter, either. "The committee staff of the Senate Armed Services
Committee have been advised of the reasons for increasing suicides
over the last four years," said Steve Robinson, a veterans advocate
who has tried to alert the Senate of the problems while working for a
number of advocacy groups. "They have had medical records delivered
to them showing inappropriate care and cases of service members who
have not received proper treatment," he added. "When they say they
are mystified as to why suicides occur, it mystifies me why they
don't understand and refuse to talk about what is really happening,"
he said. "This was not an honest assessment of why people are
committing suicide."

--------

The Brave, Living and Dead

http://www.truthout.org/031409Z

Saturday 14 March 2009
by: Michael Winship

In this bicentennial year of Abraham Lincoln's birth, I recently
was rereading part of Doris Kearns Goodwin's epic history, "Team of
Rivals." Once again it was stunning to see the number of casualties
during the Civil War, the dead and wounded in four years of fighting
exponentially outnumbering the American men and women killed and
wounded in Iraq and Afghanistan over six and a half years of combat.

On both sides of the Civil War, 618,000 were killed, although
some estimate as many as 700,000. In just the three days of the
Battle of Gettysburg, July 1863 - more than 51,000 dead and wounded.
Chickamauga, Georgia, two days, September 1863, nearly 35,000.
Chancellorsville, Virginia, four days, May 1863, more than 30,000.
And on and on.

"The war took young, healthy men and rapidly, often instantly,
destroyed them with disease or injury," Drew Gilpin Faust notes in
her 2008 book, "The Republic of Suffering: Death and the American
Civil War." "... Loss became commonplace; death was no longer
encountered individually; death's threat, its proximity and its
actuality became the most widely shared of the war's experiences."

Up until that time, Faust writes, the US Army had neither
regular burial details nor grave-registration units. Such duties
"seemed always to be an act of improvisation." Often the townspeople
in or near a battleground wound up with the task. Many of the
enlisted went unidentified, their bodies hastily placed in mass
graves for fear of disease.

Contrast that with the painstaking care given each of the dead
today when they arrive from Iraq or Afghanistan at the Carson Center
for Mortuary Affairs, the joint military facility headquartered at
Dover Air Force Base in Delaware. Bodies and personal effects are
thoroughly washed and cleansed, dress uniforms are individually
tailored for the corpse, even the individual's wristwatch is
carefully set to the time at the location where they fell. When each
body is ready to leave Dover, all the service personnel at the
mortuary stop what they're doing and form a line along the driveway,
giving a slow, ceremonial salute as the hearse passes by.

I learned this a few weeks ago, when I happened on the telecast
of the HBO made-for-TV movie, "Taking Chance," the true story of
Marine Lt. Col. Michael Strobl - played in the film by Kevin Bacon -
who in 2004 escorted the body of Lance Corporal Chance Phelps, killed
in Al Anbar Province, Iraq, to its final resting place in Dubois, Wyoming.

I knew about the film but hadn't made plans to watch it.
Nonetheless, coming upon it by accident, I was totally pulled in by
the eloquent simplicity of the script, its attention to detail and
lack of melodrama, the poignancy of Strobl's and Phelps's stories and
the people "they" meet as Strobl accompanies the body on its final,
cross-country journey. (You can continue to see the film through this
month, at various times, well worth the fewer than 90 minutes it
takes to view. Check the schedule at HBO.com.)

Coincidentally, the film's release came at the same time as the
Pentagon's announcement that it was lifting the ban on photographs
and videos of bodies arriving at Dover, a proscription that had been
in place since the first Gulf War in 1991. A similar renewed openness
is taking place as the military and the Department of Veterans
Affairs become more candid about suicide and PTSD, post-traumatic
stress disorder.

Alarmed by the increasing rate of suicide, the Army has begun
releasing monthly numbers, in addition to the annual reports produced
in the past. 2008 was a record high - 128 confirmed suicides and 15
under investigation. The rate has been increasing steadily since 2004.

Last month there were 18 suspected suicides, up from 11 the
previous year. In January there were 24, up from five in January
2008. According to The Associated Press, "Usually the vast majority
of suspected suicides are eventually confirmed, and if that holds
true it would mean that self-inflicted deaths surpassed the 16 combat
deaths [in January] reported in all branches of the armed forces in
Iraq, Afghanistan and other nations considered part of the global war
on terror."

The Army's suicide rate is now exceeding the US civilian rate,
for the first time since the military began keeping records in 1980.

"Why do the numbers keep going up?" Army Secretary Peter Geren
asked rhetorically at a press conference last month. "We cannot tell you."

Experts say PTSD is a big reason - the RAND Center for Military
Health Policy Research estimates that 19 percent of all the troops
who have served in Iraq or Afghanistan suffer from it - some 300,000
men and women.

Others point to the high rate of redeployment. According to a
new report in the Boston Phoenix newspaper, "With the number of
personnel that have served in the two theaters reaching nearly 1.8
million, critics estimate that one-third have served multiple
deployments." With that redeployment come incredible stress and
anxiety, not only on the battlefield but back home, where marriages
and other relationships collapse from the strain.

This past fall, the Army announced a $50 million, five-year
joint study of suicide with the National Institute of Mental Health.
And this week, the service will be wrapping up a month-long training
program to help soldiers recognize suicidal behaviors in their comrades.

But much more needs to be done. "We keep getting studies," Rep.
John Murtha, chair of the House Defense Appropriations Committee,
said at a March 3 hearing. "That's the problem with the Defense
Department - they study it to death."

What's more, according to an Army Medical Department's 2008
report, 33 percent of the troops in Afghanistan and 21.8 percent in
Iraq say when it comes to mental health, their leaders discourage
them from seeking help.

That has to stop. We must treat the living as respectfully as we
do the dead.

--------

Rise in Marine suicides prompts new training

http://www.marinecorpstimes.com/news/2009/03/marine_suicides_031409w/

By Trista Talton - Staff writer
Posted : Sunday Mar 15, 2009

The number of Marines who killed themselves last year has alarmed the
service's leadership, prompting additional prevention training that
must be completed by the end of March.

Forty-one Marines took their lives in 2008 and another 146 attempted
to do so, according to Marine administrative message 0134/09. That
translates to 19 suicides for every 100,000 Marines. It is "our
highest rate … since 1995 and reflects an unacceptable loss of life,"
the message states.

The latest guidance directs company, battalion and squadron-level
commanders to conduct all-hands suicide-prevention training by March
31. The package was introduced Feb. 27, about three months after
several generals, including Assistant Commandant Gen. James Amos,
spent five hours discussing suicide prevention.

The two-hour presentation includes videos made by commanders, and a
slide show detailing the latest statistics and warning signs
exhibited by Marines at risk of committing suicide.

The Corps has conducted annual suicide prevention training since
1997, but officials worry it has become a tired ritual and that too
many Marines are simply going through the motions or tuning out the
message all together.

"The problem is that since then, it has occasionally become a boring,
check-in-the-box requirement," according to the instructor guide
provided by Marine Corps Training & Education Command. "We can no
longer afford to sleep through suicide prevention training. We have
lost 41 Marines to suicide in calendar year 2008. Think about it.
That's [nearly] one dead Marine a week."

All of the services experienced an increase in their suicide rates
last year. To counter the trend, officials continue to hire more
mental health professionals. And for its part, the Corps is adding
specialists in forward-deploying units, Sgt. Maj. Carlton Kent, the
service's top enlisted adviser, told members of Congress in February.

Until last year, the number of suicides across the Corps remained
somewhat consistent since the start of the wars in Afghanistan and
Iraq, averaging about 28 each year between 2001 and 2007, according
to service statistics. The Corps does not draw a direct connection
between suicides and deployments, however, noting in its most recent
update to the suicide prevention program that "investigations into
this relationship are ongoing."

Examining each case

Certainly, numbers alone don't tell a complete story. In 2007, for
instance, 12 of the 33 Marines who committed suicide had prior
deployments while six killed themselves in theater. Last year those
numbers were 21 and seven, respectively. Given the variety of
"stressors" that can drive a person to suicide, and the volume of
Marines who have recorded one or more combat tours since 2001, it
stands to reason that officials would spot a trend only by first
examining the particulars of each case.

Wartime stress is one reason why "we want to grow the force fast, and
we are, so we can get the Marines more dwell time," Kent told the
House Appropriations subcommittee on military construction and
veterans affairs. Other factors can include relationship and
work-related problems, pending legal or administrative action, and
illness, according to the new slide show.

Sgt. Richard Stumpf, a drill instructor at Marine Corps Recruit Depot
Parris Island, S.C., faced some of these problems when he committed
suicide in 1994, according to information contained in the training.
His performance at work was declining. He'd stay out late getting
drunk and sometimes showed for duty with alcohol on his breath. He
was in debt and cheating on his pregnant wife, according to a
narrative in TECOM's instructor guide.

Stumpf was certain that if he ever admitted to the adultery and was
in need of rehab, "he would lose his military career," according to
the guide. "So, instead of getting help, he continued with his risky behavior."

The night before he committed suicide, Stumpf was involved in his
second drunk-driving wreck.

Shortly after he was released from the Parris Island brig Oct. 31,
1994, Stumpf shot himself with his M16. His fellow drill instructors,
who tried to save him, witnessed the suicide.

The Corps emphasizes its "leave no man behind" ethos in the latest
training package.

"Investigations have shown that although Marines notice signs of
trouble, they don't tell anyone because they fear they will hurt the
troubled Marine's career," according to a statement made in one
training video. "Marines may think they've got it covered, but
Marines don't cover for each other, they take care of each other."

--------

Secrecy a factor in the rise of military suicides

http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/editorial/outlook/6306212.html

By DINA GREENBERG
March 11, 2009

The Department of the Army has finally gone public and acknowledged
the alarming rate of suicide among its ranks. While Army leadership
is to be commended for breaking the barrier of silence regarding
mental illness in the military, the underlying culture of secrecy
that has contributed to the current trend is in dire need of reform.
According to figures obtained by the Associated Press, there has been
a steady increase in suicides since 2003, totaling 450 active duty
soldiers, with the highest numbers occurring in the past year.
Military suicides vary considerably between branches of the service,
with the Army and Marine Corps frequently reaching the highest annual
rates. Longer and more frequent deployments and the primacy of ground
combat operations are factors often blamed for the Army's higher
rates of physical injury, mental illness and suicide.

In October 2008, the Army announced a five-year, $50 million
collaborative study with the National Institute of Mental Health to
address suicide. In a rare public admission of the urgency of the
problem, Dr. S. Ward Cassells, assistant secretary of defense for
health affairs, stated in the New York Times, "We've reached a point
where we do need some outside help." Such efforts are encouraging but
will yield little immediate assistance to active duty soldiers,
returning veterans and their families.

The Army is now investigating 24 suspected suicides that occurred in
January 2009, compared with five during the same month in 2008. "The
trend and trajectory seen in January further heightens the
seriousness and urgency that all of us have in preventing suicides,"
said Peter Chiarelli, Army vice chief of staff, in an AP interview last month.

Republican Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, prevailed upon Secretary of the
Army Pete Geren to agree in 2008 to investigate a suicide cluster of
four recruiters since 2005, all within an East Texas battalion.

At the completion of Brig. Gen. Dell Turner's investigation last
month, he told the Houston Chronicle that there was no single issue
leading up to the suicides. He said a combination of factors,
including poor leadership, stress and individual issues led to the
deaths. The investigation resulted in a rare one-day stand-down for
all Army recruiters for suicide prevention training. It is only with
this scope of commitment that the Army will fulfill its institutional
responsibility to provide appropriate mental health care for its
service members.

It is notable that the Army only began keeping records on suicides in
1980, a policy likely fueled by the cascade of attempted and
successful suicides by Vietnam veterans. In 1983, with the
introduction of the diagnosis of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder
(PTSD) in the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic &
Statistical Manual, the military and VA began, finally, to
acknowledge the debilitating effects of this combat-related trauma
reaction. Increased risk of suicide is among the many symptoms of the
half-million Vietnam veterans diagnosed with chronic PTSD. Using the
most conservative estimates, there may be as many as 75,000 active
duty military or recently discharged veterans with PTSD or
significant symptoms of PTSD, according to psychologist Alan Peterson
of the University of Texas. Peterson is a researcher with a
multidisciplinary consortium recently awarded a $25 million
Department of Defense grant to study behavioral treatments for PTSD.

To date, there has been no comprehensive epidemiological study on
military suicides resulting from PTSD. In 1988, however, the Centers
for Disease Control presented congressional testimony, confirming
9,000 suicides among Vietnam combat veterans.

In a March 2008 e-mail exchange brought to light by the Senate
Veterans' Affairs Committee and the VA Inspector General, Dr. Ira
Katz, the VA's chief of mental health services, referenced an
internal report suggesting that a thousand Vietnam veterans were
attempting suicide each month.

Katz and a VA colleague questioned disclosing the figures and
discussed the agency's financial disincentive to give the diagnosis
of PTSD. Sadly, this stance is far from the model of transparency and
collaboration among the VA, DOD and the military required to
significantly stem the rising tide of mental health casualties.

One bright spot, however, warrants mention. In July, 2007, Army
psychologist John Fortunato opened the doors of the Restoration and
Resilience Center at Fort Bliss, Texas, an intensive, in-patient
treatment program for active duty soldiers with PTSD. At the
ribbon-cutting ceremony, Brig. Gen. James Gilman said, "It's
important to try new things because clearly what we've been doing so
far isn't working." Above all, Fortunato believes that providing
appropriate care to soldiers with combat-related PTSD is one more way
for the Army to fulfill the soldier's creed: "Never leave a fallen comrade."
--

Greenberg is developing a curriculum for chaplains on the physical,
psychological and social dimensions of combat-related PTSD.

.

Tempting offer has not-so-hidden cost

Tempting offer has not-so-hidden cost

http://www.journalgazette.net/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20090315/EDIT05/303159937/1147/EDIT07

Courtland Milloy
March 15, 2009

WASHINGTON – My youngest son, who is 19, recently told me that he was
thinking about leaving college and joining the military. With the
United States still waging wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the stage is
set for what will likely be our most important talk since the "birds
and bees" thing more than a decade ago.

The chat back then, such as it was, dealt clumsily with creating
life. This one will be more about taking life and possibly losing it.
And this time, I want to be better prepared.

My research has turned up a number that would give any parent pause:
72,900. No, it's not a war casualty count. It's the amount on a huge
check posted in the window of an Army recruiting office I visited in
Oxon Hill, Md.

If my son enlisted, the Army tells me, he could receive as much as
that for college, plus an additional $65,000 to repay college loans
and, on top of that, $4,500 a year in tuition assistance while serving.

It's enough to make you forget about war – at least for one dreamy
moment: Kid leaves college after two years, eases stranglehold on
parents' crumbling bank account, then gets paid by Uncle Sam to go
back to school.

"They come to serve their country, but we stay on their behinds to
make sure they get an education, too," an Army recruiter told me. Not
a bad hook. Now the catch.

The Pentagon announced Monday that 4,255 U.S. troops had been killed
in Iraq and 589 killed in and around Afghanistan. And I still don't
know for what.

On the other hand, there have been roughly 2,400 homicides in the
Washington area since 2002. And I don't know what that's all about,
either, other than that most of the killing is concentrated in the
District of Columbia and Prince George's County, Md., where I live,
and involves mostly young black men, like my son.

Statistically speaking, he'd probably be safer in Baghdad than in
parts of our nation's capital.

Is that a rationalization, or has this tanking economy caused me to
lose my mind? Four years ago, I'd almost certainly be trying to talk
my son out of going to fight a war that was based on misinformation
and outright deception. And other black parents must have been doing
just that, because black enlistment in the Army plummeted between
2001 and 2006 from 22 percent of recruits to 14 percent.

A survey conducted by the Army in 2005 found that blacks are more
likely than members of other groups to "identify having to fight for
a cause they don't support" as a reason for not enlisting.

But that mindset is clearly changing. Black enlistment is on the rise
again – from 14.9 percent in 2007 to 16.6 percent in 2008, according
to a recent report by the National Priorities Project, a
Massachusetts-based research organization that analyzes U.S. military
recruitment trends.

I asked the Pentagon whether there was a reason for the increase and
received this e-mailed response: "Youths' decisions to serve are not
only influenced by the economy and wars in Iraq/Afghanistan, but just
as importantly by those who help them make such significant decisions
(such as parents, teachers, coaches and guidance counselors.)"

But you've got to figure that right now it's the economy more than
anything else, especially with unemployment rates among some groups
of black men rivaling national rates in the Great Depression.

Unfortunately for the least-educated among them, the applicant pool
now includes many out-of-work skilled laborers and college-educated
white-collar workers. Competition is keen.

"We get to pick and choose," a recruiter told me.

So my son is due home for the weekend, and we'll have that chat –
about the Army's $40,000 signing bonus, about how Marine survival
training could come in handy if these really are the biblical "end times."

I already have some sense of his restlessness and yearning for
adventure. After all, he got it from me. But I'm also from an
anti-war generation. What a sigh of relief I let out when the war in
Vietnam ended before my draft number came up.

Now here I am again, holding my breath.
--

Courtland Milloy is a columnist for The Washington Post.

.

The Cost-Effectiveness of Military Advertising

The Cost-Effectiveness of Military Advertising

http://www.rand.org/pubs/documented_briefings/DB565/

Evidence from 2002-2004

By: James N. Dertouzos

The Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps together spent more than
$600 million on recruiting advertising in 2007, a 150 percent
increase over that spent in 1999. The armed services are also
spending more on Internet and cable TV advertising than in the past.
Does this advertising produce enlistments? This documented briefing
presents the results of an econometric analysis that used data from
2002 to 2004 to explore this and the following questions: How does
advertising compare with such alternatives as offering bonuses or
adding more recruiters? Which service's advertising efforts are most
effective? Does this depend on the size or mix of the budget?
Finally, what are the inter-service effects ­ have the increases in
advertising spending by the Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps harmed
the Army's recruiting efforts? Dertouzos discusses these issues and
their implications for military recruiting policy.

Free, downloadable PDF file(s) are available below.

Full Document
http://www.rand.org/pubs/documented_briefings/2009/RAND_DB565.pdf
(File size 3.7 MB, 15 minutes modem, 2 minutes broadband)

Summary Only
http://www.rand.org/pubs/documented_briefings/2009/RAND_DB565.sum.pdf
(File size 0.1 MB, < 1 minute modem, < 1 minute broadband)

.

Military personnel face unique challenges, consequences

Military personnel face unique challenges, consequences

http://www.advancetitan.com/?se=Opinion&s=7535

by Anthony Berg of the Advance Titan
Thursday, March 12, 2009

At a family wedding, I had the chance to catch up with a cousin who
has decided to join the military in lieu of unsubsidized education,
blaming lack of personal direction and available work. This reason is
sound, as the gap between rich and poor has widened to the worst of
any industrialized country in the world. The criminal nature of this
institutionalized gap is exemplified by our country's ranking as the
most financially prosperous for more than a century now.

As more working lower-class men enter the world without direction
from single-parent, labor-oriented family situations, the benefits of
becoming a soldier will drive many to risk their lives becoming a
killer for our country and possible prosperity or purpose.

More veterans returning from the wars of the past have caused the
familial milieu deprived of traditional nuclear families, or
middle-class two-parent households. Previous returns from war have
complicated the economy as unemployed skilled men flood the
military-oriented economy that has a hard time absorbing them and the
cost of the benefits promised by the G.I. bill.

Soldiers bring more than economic complications with their return
from service. Heavy journalism has been presented, largely under the
radar, about the effects of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), a
serious maladaption to life as a killer of men, women and children in war.

PTSD denies easy reintegration into society as soldiers experience
war-like reactions to everyday stimuli around their civilian lives.
In the documentary, "The Ground Truth," soldiers in Iraq repeatedly
identify scenarios in which they grow depressed, alienated and
eventually suicidal with untreated symptoms resulting from PTSD.

Soldiers are offered the possibility of being treated for PTSD before
leaving service, but the offer occurs after the term of service ends
and before returning home. The soldiers must choose between staying
in a specialized facility to treat PTSD, or return to their homes,
families and friends. The soldiers invariably choose to return home
and many cases thus go untreated as red tape prevents many soldiers
from receiving medical benefits post-service.

Bureaucratic red tape can often be biased against the soldiers as
their PTSD symptoms are often classified as schizophrenia or bipolar
disorder. Since schizophrenia and bipolar disorder are personality
disorders, they can be explained away as conditions attained prior to
military service and then the benefits for treatment of PTSD are not
given out. Many veterans are also denied treatment by military-backed
psychologists who refuse to assist "conscientious objectors,"
described as those soldiers who have problems as a result of killing
someone they didn't want to: women, children and other non-combatants.

Support for PTSD is often provided by civilian and ex-military-based
protest groups. Soldiers dissatisfied with their and others'
treatment form organizations such as Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of
America (IAVA, optruth.org) and Veterans Against the Iraq War (VAIW,
vaiw.org) to protest the negative effects of the war. Their protests
cover domestic and foreign mismanagement that has adversely affected
soldiers. Their support for PTSD treatment is paramount as well,
forming support groups and funding therapy for many returning soldiers.

The rise of PTSD is attributed to mismanagement of the war from
recruitment to deployment and ending with soldier to civilian reintegration.

Recruitment is often gilded as recruiters seeking bonuses introduce
all the possibilities of military life without ever mentioning the
killing. Basic training is the opposite.

Basic training is the process of breaking the individual personality
to form group ideology and remove the aversion to killing. Ethology
describes this process as imprinting. The previous ethical and
personal identity is removed through extended periods of exhaustion
during which they are encouraged to kill dehumanized subjects while
cultivating hatred, all in the pursuit of removing the aversion to
kill from a young man or woman. The new imprint of a killer replaced
the previous identity of the new recruit.

After this reorientation, the soldiers are placed in urban
environments that can frequently be classified as "hostile zones"
wherein soldiers are under orders to treat all in the area as
hostile. With such orders­including often having to lay suppression
fire on crowds of people, though there may be only one
shooter­civilian casualties often occur. Soldiers walk through
"hostile areas" and see children's shoes and toys on the floor, or
the dead children themselves, along with all the other death, and
develop psychological coping mechanisms.

Coping with killing, during which one may be a conscientious objector
but unable to deny orders, and under the auspices of protecting one's
fellow soldiers, is harder when one has to carry memories away from
the battlefield and interact with civilians that might have been
those same "casualties" were they living in Iraq.

Recognizing the problem of making men into killers who were once
morally against it, the military turns to its most prevalent answer:
anti-depressants and sleeping pills. Instead of treating the moral
implications of a soldier's role with the psychological care
required, pills are a quick substitute that maintains the mental
function of troops and allows for extended tours of service without
the need to remove the soldier from the battlefield at all.

TIME magazine reported at least 20,000 troops on medication such as
Prozac, Zoloft and sleeping pills like Ambien in the fall of 2007
alone. With war support waning at home and the amount of troops being
withdrawn from the battlefront increasing, the medications
undoubtedly have risen in popularity amongst the effort to keep the
war front moving.

Killing is not the only exacerbating factor in PTSD. Soldiers often
return from the war in Iraq jaded, frequently questioning their role
in Iraq and the role of corporate interest. Soldiers have a front-row
seat to injustice on the war front that they are also the victims of.
The initial invasion of Iraq began with a fervent order to secure the
oil fields, which were held before the order to attack the capital was given.

Support services for troops were frequently below standards of basic
sanitation. Halliburton, awarded no-bid pay plus contracts for
providing troop support and securing oil interests in the area. Pay
plus contracts award the cost of supplies to support the troops to
Halliburton, but then also awards a percentage of the price as extra
pay to the company. Under this policy, contractors would often burn
perfectly good vehicles that got flat tires or other simple
mechanical problems since the loss could be written off, and
Halliburton simply makes more money as more money is spent to replace
the vehicle.

Due to the profit-seeking motives of the company, essential services
are often mismanaged with reports of refrigerator trucks used to
transport dead bodies being used to supply troops' ice. Reports of
infected water supplies, cheap meals, substandard shelters and lack
of body armor mar the support for troops that should be foremost for
military spending.

Corporate involvement is exemplified by the scandals surrounding
private security contractors. Security contractors, such as
Blackwater, are mercenary organizations frequently reported to have
fought alongside normal troops, engage in missions, and fire upon
unarmed civilians­the cause of the scandal. Since the United States
government classifies the mercenaries as "private contractors," laws
for conviction of mercenaries do not apply and are thus under no
legal restrictions for their actions.

The scandal is proof of corporate involvement in the war process if
nothing else, and soldiers saw this every day. If they accept their
role and seek better pay without restrictions, ex-soldiers can join
these private militaries after service. Such a transition is
psychologically pragmatic, as their honor is worthless when the
government keeps soldier deaths secret by preventing unescorted,
unedited journalism in the war zone. Without the honor that comes
with having one's role as a killer for the country upheld and
respected in its passing before the national eyes, the role of the
soldier closely mirrors that of a mercenary, receiving money for
their killing ability.

Since the military invariably prevents free journalism wherever it
can and disallows images of returning coffins and the honored dead,
the war's toll on people is largely invisible. For those soldiers who
have been through hell and back, coming home to people who have no
idea the toll the Iraq war has taken is the worst part of their
reintegration, with or without PTSD.

Betrayal of soldiers as much as civilians necessitates the
organizational support for Iraq soldiers that protest
Plutocratic­government by the wealthy, of the wealthy, and for the
wealthy­mismanagement.

As boys are made into killers, kill and return home, the society must
change to absorb them and the soldiers try to change to prevent
depression, despondency and, most monstrously, suicide.

.

Saturday, March 21, 2009

One Soldier's Tale of How War Drove Him Crazy

One Soldier's Tale of How War Drove Him Crazy

http://www.alternet.org/waroniraq/132510/one_soldier%27s_tale_of_how_war_drove_him_crazy/

By Penny Coleman, AlterNet
March 20, 2009.

"When it got really bad, I dumped 5 tons of sand into my basement to
remind me of Afghanistan."
--

"When it got really bad, I dumped 5 tons of sand into my basement to
remind me of Afghanistan," Jim told me. "I would just spend the
entire day down there in my sandbox, smoking marijuana and working on
peace of mind. It made me realize that you can close as many doors as
you want, but ghosts walk through walls."

Jim speaks with apparent ease about his war experiences and what they
cost him. His stories are punctuated with vivid detail and bemused
laughter, mostly at his own expense: How could he have been so naïve
... how could he have failed to see what was going on around him?

He rubs his hands up and down his thighs frequently. It's a kind of
nervous gesture that he explains is a result of a spinal injury he
sustained in an IED explosion -- his legs still go numb from time to
time. "But they don't get numb to the point where I fall down
anymore, so I won't complain about progress," he said.

That stoicism is an apt metaphor for the rest of his life, for the
experience he shares with so many servicemen and women returning from
the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan.

It's been almost 30 years since PTSD entered the official lexicon, 30
years in which U.S. combat troops have been continuously deployed in
some part of the world or other, churning out a steady stream of
psychologically wounded soldiers in need of care. In that time,
untold millions have been spent on research, and countless
pharmaceutical and therapeutic protocols have been explored.

To what end? In 2008, the Institute of Medicine published the results
of a survey -- commissioned by the Department of Veterans Affairs --
of all of the available drug and therapy treatments available for PTSD.

The IOM committee found that "no drugs have adequate data showing
efficacy," and it recognized the value of only one therapeutic
approach: exposure therapy, a form of psychotherapy requiring a
"considerable investment of time, emotion and effort." To that, I
would add another requirement: money.

The committee also noted that the vast majority of drug trials were
funded by pharmaceutical companies and that many trials were
conducted by those who had developed the products.

They were also struck "by the scant evidence exploring some of the
possibly unique aspects of PTSD in veterans."

Jim knows all about that. Back when he was spending all his time in
his sandbox, he heard blasts coming from the living room upstairs.
Sometimes he thought they were mortars. Sometimes mines. In
Afghanistan, Jim recalls, "there were so many mines. So many people
missing a hand, a leg, an arm -- or two -- or eyes. Out there, entire
villages are mined. Mines under stairs, under floors, in walls, just
mines everywhere. You really have to be careful."

Six years later, he is still being careful, still working on feeling
safe enough to be a little visible in the world after his tour in
Afghanistan (which is why I'll just call him "Jim").

On Sept. 11, 2001, when he was just a senior in high school, he
watched the Twin Towers fall on TV, skipped classes for the rest of
the day, and enlisted in the Army. By the summer of 2003, he was in
Kandahar, with "hate, anger and vengeance" in his heart.

One of his first assignments was driving the "jingle truck," a 1974
Mercedes Benz tractor-trailer, covered with garish graffiti, and
"with a big-ass American flag on the back." The underside of the
truck was lined with chains and bells, so it actually jingled as he
drove. "They made me drive all around the circle highway, from
Jalalabad to Herat, from Kandahar to Spin Buldak, with one security
truck in front of me and one behind. I was bait. I was a human target
so the Taliban militants would have something to fire on, so our guys
in the security trucks would have something to fire back at.

"I sat in the cab all by myself, blaring rap music and heavy metal,
with a box of Cheetos and a bottle of Jack Daniels. And still, I was
sure I was doing the right thing."

His next assignment changed his mind. With his dark hair and olive
complexion, Jim could pass for a local. He was ordered to grow out
his beard, issued a chapan (the vest traditionally worn by Afghan
men), a pakol (the traditional Pashto hat), linen pants, leather
sandals and a list of phonetically written Pashtun phrases.

So armed, he joined a crew of Afghan trash collectors who worked on
the post and listened for talk of insurgency. The crew he was told to
infiltrate turned out to be the same one he had been assigned to
guard the week before. Of course, the men all recognized him. Instead
of treating him with distrust, they bonded over the oxymoronic
example of "military intelligence."

"I ended up making really good friends with most of them," Jim said.

And he began to see what it was like for them and their families to
be caught up in the war -- the up-close effects of the daily rocket
and artillery fire on the villagers, compounded by a foreign
occupation force that treats all Afghans as if they were the enemy.

"When I was getting ready to deploy, they were telling us that the
Taliban all wore black turbans. But it turned out there wasn't some
big gang sign, like the Bloods and the Crips. Other people were
wearing black turbans, too. It was messed up. We were supposed to be
fighting the Taliban, but we were obliterating Afghanistan."

Jim began taking his frustration and confusion to a Buddhist ascetic
who lived in a cave above the Kandahar airfield where Jim was stationed. "

Babah, which means 'honored grandfather' in Pashto, was just a
remarkable person. He had this glow about him. When I met him, he was
96. Most of his teeth were gone, and the rest were brown. He was a
small man, frail looking, but he was so strong. I think he might have
been stronger than me."

Jim often made the trek up to Babah's cave to sit peacefully and
drink tea. Babah had been a traveler in his youth. He spoke six
languages, told stories of walking from Afghanistan to Tibet through
the Hindu Kush and on into Pakistan and India.

And he taught Jim about Buddhist practices and beliefs. Everything
Jim learned resonated with the sorrow he felt about what was being
done to the country and the people he was coming to know and love.

"I thought we were just doing too much messed up stuff to civilians.
It was wrong, and I didn't worry about what people had on their
collar, if I had something to say, I would say it.

"But they didn't like what I was saying, so I think that had a lot to
do with why Babah got detained.The last thing he said to me, as my
brothers cuffed him, was, 'Without suffering, there would be no
bliss. Without death, there would be no life.' Even as they put a
black hood over his head, he still had his beautiful smile on his face."

His other closest friend was Nasirjan, a member of the trash detail
that served as Jim's ostensible cover. Apart from his duties on the
post, Nasirjan also raised goats, opium and marijuana, and he took
Jim to cockfights, kept him in hashish, and even stood up to gunmen
looking to take the life of an American.

One night, when the trash workers were all gathered around the burn
pit having tea, Jim gave Nasirjan a keychain flashlight in return for
some hash. Narsirjan "was goofing off with the flashlight, and it was
really funny because he was a big man and he was being really
childish and awkward. We were all laughing when one of my brothers
shot him in the back. Dead. He said Nasirjan was trying to signal a
rocket attack."

Jim was the one who had given Nasirjan the flashlight, and he
believed that he was responsible for Babah's arrest (whatever the
facts behind it may have been). He left Afghanistan a month after
Babah was taken away, carrying the guilt and the burden of both losses.

Instead of things getting better when he got home, they got worse.

"I already knew that I didn't know how to act anymore," he said. "I
didn't know what I was going to do, and I didn't know how people were
going to expect me to be."

He was having flashbacks, moments "where I just wasn't even here, you
know? I was back there." He drank Wild Turkey all day, only sleeping
when he passed out, until one night he didn't recognize his wife. He
believes that he could have killed her that night.

The next day, he stopped drinking, and since then has used marijuana
to self-medicate, but being stoned didn't make keeping a job any
easier. He lost six in quick succession because he couldn't take
orders from people who hadn't been where he had been.

That's when he "gave up on society," built his sandbox, and decided
he was just going "be this crazy dude and stay in the house for the
rest of my life." But being in the house didn't really solve the problem.

"I needed to get to the point where I wasn't afraid of my own
thoughts," he told me.

Jim saw six or seven VA doctors after the incident with his wife.
They all agreed that he had PTSD and a probable traumatic brain
injury. On the basis of those diagnoses, he now gets a disability
check from Social Security (but even after three years, the VA has
yet to come through with benefits), but otherwise, none of them were
much help.

Jim says that's because, "they just think they can tell you what to
do and fix the problem. But they can't fix the person with PTSD. Only
that person can, because it's a spiritual thing."

Dr. Ed Tick, psychotherapist, activist and author of the
award-winning War and the Soul, would agree. He reminds us that the
word psychotherapist means "soul attendant," and that psychology
means "the order and meaning of the soul." "Psychology," he
continues, "did not become a science until Freud and his followers
arrived out of the medical tradition. Modern psychology left the soul
far behind and has not yet reconnected with its spiritual roots,
though it needs to, because psychological healing occurs at a spiritual level."

Jim now sees a Vet Center therapist, also an Afghanistan veteran,
"who does a perfect job of making sure that I do help myself and
standing behind me to make sure that I don't go backwards. Without
him, I probably would still be in the house."

With the new GI Bill, he is going to college this fall. He plans to
learn more about Buddhism and meditation so he can teach it as a kind
of therapy for other soldiers.

"It's not like the PTSD is gone. Any medical professional would say
that I'm the one with the disorder. But if you took me and some
'normal' person, and you locked us in a completely dark room, he's
the one that is going to go crazy because I've learned how to be
alone in my head.

"I realized I had completely forgotten what Babah taught me -- that
there is no such thing as a bad thought. It's just a thought. You can
let it go. I remembered why I didn't feel angry or vengeful when
Nasirjan was shot. I had completely forgotten for such a long time.

"I still prefer isolation over society, but I can go out now if I
need to." He paused before adding, "I couldn't have done that last year."

After eight years of the Bush administration, any attempt to mix
science with what might sound like religion is particularly suspect.
At the same time, veterans like Jim are pointing the way into
uncharted territory.

Jim calls PTSD a "soul wound that has its source in moral trauma."
That diagnosis uses a language and a conceptual paradigm that is
foreign to Western medicine, with its traditional disregard for
matters of the soul or spirit.

But it may be that the only way to better understand the injuries our
veterans bring home is to abandon that prejudice and try something new.
--

Penny Coleman is the widow of a Vietnam veteran who took his own life
after coming home. Her latest book, Flashback: Posttraumatic Stress
Disorder, Suicide and the Lessons of War, was released on Memorial Day 2006.

.

Friday, March 20, 2009

The Life and Lonely Death of Noah Pierce

The Life and Lonely Death of Noah Pierce

http://www.utne.com/Politics/Lonely-Death-Noah-Pierce-PTSD-Iraq-War.aspx

A small-town soldier returns from Iraq broken. He is not alone. He
thinks he is.

March-April 2009
text and photos by Ashley Gilbertson, from the Virginia Quarterly Review

Noah Pierce's headstone gives his date of death as July 26, 2007,
though his family feels certain he died the night before, when, at
age 23, he took a handgun and shot himself in the head. No one is
sure what pushed him to it. He said in his suicide note it was
impotence­one possible side effect of posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD). It was "the snowflake that toppled the iceberg," he wrote.
But it could have been the memory of the Iraqi child he crushed under
his Bradley. It could have been the unarmed man he shot point-blank
in the forehead during a house-to-house raid, or the friend he tried
madly to gather into a plastic bag after he had been blown to bits by
a roadside bomb, or it could have been the doctor he killed at a checkpoint.

Noah grew up in Sparta, Minnesota, a town of fewer than 1,000 on the
outskirts of the Quad Cities­Mountain Iron, Virginia, Eveleth, and
Gilbert­on the Mesabi Iron Range. Discovered on the heels of the
Civil War, the range's ore deposit is the largest in the United
States. Around the clock, deep metallic groans come out of the ground
and freight trains barrel through, horns screeching. Locals are proud
of their hardworking, hard-drinking heritage. There are more than 20
bars on Eveleth's half-mile-long main street. On a typical night last
May, loudspeakers affixed to lampposts blared John Denver's "Take Me
Home, Country Roads," and Harleys thundered through town. One bar
closed early, when a drunk got thrown through the front window.

Noah was a quiet, sensitive kid. He kept a tight circle of friends
and passed time with them building tree forts and playing army in the
woods. Noah's biological father separated from Noah's mother shortly
after she became pregnant, but Tom Softich, Noah's stepfather,
treated the thin-skinned boy as his own. When Noah turned 6, Tom took
him hunting, and by 13 Noah had his own high-powered rifle. For
practice, they went rabbit shooting together at a small clearing a
mile from their house. It became such a regular place to find Noah
that his family and friends began referring to the clearing simply as
"the spot."

When Noah went missing in July 2007, after a harrowing year adjusting
to home following two tours in Iraq, police ordered a countywide
search. His friend Ryan Nelson thought he might know where to look.
When he pulled up to the spot, he immediately recognized Noah's
truck. Inside, Ryan found his friend slumped over the bench seat, his
head blown apart, the gun in his right hand. Half a bottle of Jack
Daniel's Special Blend lay on the passenger seat, and beer cans were
strewn about. On the dash lay Noah's photo IDs; he had stabbed each
photo through the face. And on the floorboard was the scrawled,
rambling suicide note. It was his final attempt to explain the
horrors he had seen­and committed.

In April 2008, Ira R. Katz, deputy chief patient care services
officer for mental health at the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs,
became embroiled in scandal when a memo surfaced in which he
instructed members of his staff to suppress the results of an
internal investigation into the number of veterans attempting
suicide. Based on their surveys, along with tabulations from the
National Center for Health Statistics and the Centers for Disease
Control, Katz estimated that between 550 and 650 veterans were
committing suicide each month. It pains Noah's family and friends
that the Pentagon will never add him­nor the thousands like him­to
the official tally of 4,000-plus war dead.

Likewise, PTSD and minor traumatic brain injuries (MTBI) are excluded
from the count of 50,000 severe combat wounds­even though PTSD and
MTBI often have far greater long-term health effects than bullet
wounds or even lost limbs. A study by the RAND Corporation found that
approximately 300,000 Iraq and Afghanistan veterans­one in
five­suffer from depression or stress disorders and another 320,000
suffer from MTBIs that place them at a higher risk for depression and
stress disorders.

Noah's mother, Cheryl Softich, believes her son's death could have
been avoided had he received counseling. Statistically, veterans
outside the VA system are four times more likely to attempt suicide
than those within the system. Now Cheryl's mission is to have a
clause inserted into every standard military contract that would
require veterans to visit a therapist every two weeks of the first
year after a combat deployment. "Soldiers are taught to follow
orders," she says. "It needs to be mandatory. Noah was an excellent
soldier, and if it was mandatory, he would have gone faithfully to
every appointment."

Cheryl is a slight, chain-smoking woman of 50, whose disarmingly
direct approach to conversation could easily be mistaken as brusque
by an outsider. Sinking into the oversize leather couch in her living
room, she recounts her 12-hour labor, two days before Christmas 1983.
She remembers the blinding pain of each contraction and smiles when
she recalls that the doctor asked permission for a group of 20
medical students to observe. "As long as you get this baby out of me,
I don't care who watches," she remembers saying. Then her smile
fades: "As soon as they put him in my arms, this feeling washed over
me, and I knew instantly that I was going to outlive this child. Did
not know how or why, but I was going to outlive this child."

The feeling returned the day, not long after 9/11, that Noah came
home with enlistment papers. He was a few months shy of 18 and needed
a parental signature. "He put me between a rock and a hard place,"
Cheryl says. " 'Either sign these papers and show you support me and
my decision, or I'm signing them in a couple of months without your
support.' Well, no child of mine is going off to war thinking I don't
support him. Did I try to talk him out of it? Hell, yes. Did I
finally give up trying to talk him out of it? Yes, because it was
what he was going to do, so I accepted it, and I was proud of him for
his decision."

Not everybody was as understanding. "When he joined the Army, my
heart sank," says Sally Galbraith, a family friend who was virtually
a second mother to Cheryl's children. "I thought, 'Noah, you're too
sensitive, you're too caring; how are you ever going to get through this?' "

In June 2002, Noah went to boot camp in Fort Stewart, Georgia, and
began regularly writing letters home. He expressed surprise at seeing
fellow soldiers break down in tears, homesick and scared, but
admitted to feeling a little that way himself. "During practice we
had to yell stupid stuff," Noah wrote in August. "The drill sergeant
would ask, 'What makes the green grass grow?' We would yell, 'Blood,
blood, blood makes the green grass grow.'"

The Iraq invasion began in March 2003, and Noah's battalion was
assigned to the front line. He rolled northward in a heavily armored
infantry track vehicle equipped with surface-to-air Stinger missiles,
but Saddam's army had virtually no helicopters or jets, so Noah's
unit was tasked with kicking in doors and searching houses. By early
April, American troops had reached Baghdad, and the airwaves were
filled with images of Saddam's statue toppling in Firdos Square and
the troops being hailed as conquering heroes. Noah was outraged.

"It sounds like you guys in the States are for the war," he wrote in
a letter home. "All the soldiers I know including me think it is a
bunch of bullshit. We came in and invaded this country and murdered a
lot of innocent people. So tell me how we are heroes."

Noah's unit's turf was the Abu Ghraib neighborhood on the outskirts
of Baghdad. One night Noah's platoon went out on a mission to guard
buildings against looters. While he was in the turret of his truck, a
van drove toward him and someone started shooting. "I just grabbed my
M16 and put it on 3 round burst and led the tracers into the driver's
window," Noah wrote a few days later. "Right away the van stopped. I
just finished the magazine. I watched it for a minute and someone ran
around from the passenger side and dragged (I assume the body) into
the back seat. I didn't shoot anymore and just let them leave. The
gunner and track commander were asleep in the truck and didn't wake
up so I never mentioned it to anybody. I can't wait until I get out
of here and I hope I never have to do something like this again."

The letter ended: "It's definitely been an experience I'll never
forget, hopefully I will be able to forget most of it someday, but I doubt it."

"Everything good Noah got from Tommy. From me he inherited an overly
sensitive heart," Cheryl says. She wants me to understand that, no
matter the terrible things her son may have done, he was a good
person. It was his sensitivity­her sensitivity­that burrowed under
his skin, that would come to make him edgy and aggressive.

By summer 2003, Noah was suffering constant nightmares and couldn't
sleep. To blow off steam he and other members of his platoon had
taken to abusing suspects. "Whatever they'd do for stress relief,"
Cheryl says, "hit a prisoner­because you're so frustrated that you
haul him off and slug him­well, Noah did those things along with the
rest of them. The difference is he suffered from it. He felt guilty
afterwards."

With each passing day in the desert, though, Noah's guilt was turning
to confusion and anger. "Well, staying here has had one good impact
on me," he wrote. "I no longer regret what I did during the war. I
have so much hatred in me I could go murder more sandniggers and I
would just smile. That goes for almost everyone here. We had sympathy
for them after the war but now we have absolutely nothing but hatred
for them. We should have killed more during the war. I let all kinds
of 'innocent' people go when I should have just mowed them down."

By August, as their deployment drew to a close, Noah and some of his
friends found a new way to vent: Close to Noah's camp, two hens were
kept in a hole deep enough that they couldn't escape. Soldiers
regularly pelted the hens with rocks until they were near death. One
day, a sergeant caught them. "It was funny as hell," Noah wrote. "He
stood there watching in total disbelief for a good five minutes. Then
he asked if we needed to talk to a chaplain. We told him we already
talked to a psychiatrist and a chaplain and that it doesn't help. He
continued to watch like we were crazy then told us to quit."

Then, as a casual coda­almost an afterthought­Noah added: "Oh yeah,
one of my friends that I do this with accidentally killed a
3-year-old kid. He was shooting a SAW (fully automatic machine gun)
at a car and a stray bullet caught this kid in the head. Oh well, one
less motherfucker that won't grow up and continue this shit. Luckily
he is not in any trouble. They are keeping it quiet though. Well,
fuck this place and I am going to vent some stress on the chickens
and hopefully hoadjis later. I love you guys. Love, Noah."

In September 2004, Noah's 15 months were up, and he was sent back to
Fort Stewart. He took a two-week leave to go home. Cheryl was
enormously proud of her son and often told him so. "He'd get mad
because he didn't think there was anything to be proud of," she says.

"It's like the devil followed him home and wouldn't let him be," Tom
Softich tells me. "I don't have the answer. I know I feel that we
failed him somehow. . . . I tried to get his mind into other places.
I'd do things with him that he liked to do."

For the first time in our days together, Tom's emotions get the
better of him. He rasps an apology before starting to sob.

In February 2005, Noah returned to Iraq. He was assigned to a new
unit and sent to Balad, a city of 100,000, 50 miles north of Baghdad.
Insurgent activity was at record levels, and immediately the unit
began making contact with their elusive enemy.

The carnage on all sides far surpassed anything Noah had seen six
months earlier.

On February 27, Noah sent an anguished e-mail home. "Well, I had a
really bad day mom," it began. "First I totaled a hoadjies car, but I
did that on purpose. but then we had to go back out for a second
mission and i ran over a little boy on accident. I was the last
vehicle and i ran him over on the left side so my crew didn't see it.
i told them later i must have hit a dog. the kid was between 8–10
years old only. hopefully the family doesn't try and do anything
because the army might think it was weird i total a car and kill a
kid in a matter of a couple of hours. i feel really bad but i thought
he would get out of my way."

Noah wrote in a journal about the fear he had of roadside bombs,
about friends who'd shot Iraqis and been put on suicide watch, and
about his growing sense of isolation. He also kept with him a small
graduation photograph of his sister, Sarah, and would look at it
during dark moments. "Lately I have been thinking I don't even want
to come back alive," Noah wrote on March 15. "Granted I would never
kill myself, but I hate life. If I died here, I would be young and it
would be an honorable way to go. Let's face it, I have no future when
I get back."

Violence in Balad increased, and the unit started losing men. The
constant mortar fire coming into their camp killed a soldier, and
roadside bombs were exploding virtually every time they crossed the
wire. Twice, Noah was riding in the gun turret when they were hit;
twice he escaped apparently unharmed. He said privately, however,
that he was certain he had some traumatic brain injury, although
later, back home, he would skip appointments to test for it, afraid
of what they might confirm.

At the end of April, he had to clear out of his living quarters when
a medic became suicidal. "If this shit keeps up I will snap," he
wrote in his journal. "If I do, I'm just going to start killing
motherfuckers. Either Iraqis or soldiers, whatever sets me off. I
doubt I will, but this is gonna be a stressful 8 months."

His next entry is two weeks later: "So far, this has been the worst
month of my life. With all this work I have been ready to snap. I
don't know how much I can take. A car pissed me off last night. The
fucker kept flashing me and when he pulled off the road I almost ran
him over. I changed my mind though. I could have gotten away with
killing that motherfucker though. My transmission was going out and I
could have blamed it on that. I am just waiting for a good
opportunity though. I am just waiting for the chance where I know
people will die."

The entry closes, "I am a bad person."

"It's titanic pain that these men live with. They don't feel that
they can get that across, in part because they feel they deserve it,
and in part because they don't feel people will understand it," says
Jonathan Shay, a psychiatrist who has worked with combat vets for 23
years and written two books about PTSD, or psychological and moral
injury, as he insists it should be known. "Despair, this word that's
so hard to get our arms around. It's despair that rips apart people
[who] feel they've become irredeemable."

I tell Shay about Noah's experiences in Iraq, in particular the
killing, the loss of comrades, the nightmares. He's saddened but not
surprised: "The flip side of this fellow's despair was the murderous
rages he experienced on his second tour. In combat, soldiers become
each other's mothers. The rage, need for revenge, and
self-sacrificial commitment toward protecting each other when
comrades are killed [are] akin to when a mother's offspring are put
in danger or killed."

"On July 4th I went to kill a man that came too close to my truck,"
Noah wrote in his journal in 2005. Consumed by paranoia and a lust
for revenge, Noah assumed the driver had to be a car bomber­and if he
wasn't, he deserved a bullet anyway. "Well, my dumb ass forgot to
chamber a round, I got lucky because it was just a stupid driver, and
he got lucky from my mistake. I'm pretty pissed about it, I had him
dead in my sights. I got to shoot at some other people that day, but
missed I guess. We didn't actually stop to check."

That month, after writing about another bomb attack and his decision
to become an alcoholic back home­"If you don't give a shit about
anything, nothing can bother you"­Noah stopped keeping his journal.
He wrote letters only occasionally.

Near the end of his deployment, Noah was assigned guard duty at a
checkpoint. A man in a car failed to slow down, and Noah killed him.
The dead man was discovered to be a doctor. "That was the last person
Noah killed," Cheryl tells me, as if unburdening herself of this
final secret. But still she defends him. "It was on orders from his
commander, and Noah shot the man. A nice clean shot."

Noah took a picture of the grisly scene with his cell phone. "We saw
it," Cheryl recalls, "and said, 'You have it in your head, you don't
need to see it every time you open your phone.' So Tommy threatened
he was going to smash the phone or something, and Noah got rid of it.
He left his wallet lying around and I went through it one day and
found a note written to this doctor. He was apologizing over and
over, 'I am so sorry. I am so sorry. Can you ever forgive me?' [That]
type of thing. I took that note and threw it on the stove and burned
it. I figured it was something he didn't need."

After his honorable discharge on June 26, 2006, Noah moved back into
his basement bedroom. "I can honestly say he was nothing but a messed
up, confused little boy­man, child, all wrapped into one. Didn't know
. . ." Cheryl pauses to gather herself, ". . . didn't know what to
do. Couldn't drive a car really, because driving he was constantly
worried about car bombs. You're not the same after. He didn't laugh
anymore, he didn't smile anymore, and if he did, it was phony and it
never went to the eyes."

Noah visited the VA clinic and talked about his nightmares. A
therapist prescribed Ambien and told him to come back in a couple of
months. The sleeping pills didn't help, and he started drinking more
heavily. He quit his job as a janitor at the U.S. Steel plant where
Tom worked, after some men ridiculed him for having PTSD. Noah pissed
into a mop bucket, soaked a cloth in it, and wiped down their lunch
table before leaving.

One day soon after, Noah was sitting with his mother in the living
room, chatting, when his sister, Sarah, walked in. Noah leapt to his
feet and threw her across the room. "He would snap and go into
another world, his Iraq world," Cheryl says.

"I don't like to tell people that he hit me," Sarah says, "because I
don't want people to think that that's my brother; that was not him.
It was him when he got back from Iraq."

She remembers the story Noah told her, how one day he watched his
best friend in Iraq blown up by a roadside bomb, how he went around
with a plastic bag picking up body parts to send home. "When he left
the room, I cried after that. I just cried," Sarah says. "I couldn't
even imagine. I wouldn't even want to." But even if Sarah felt she
understood the source of Noah's rage, she never understood what set it off.

At the end of November 2006, Noah was sitting on the couch with
Sarah, channel surfing, when he attacked her. "It was just from out
of nowhere, I don't know if it was something on the TV that triggered
him," she says. "I seriously couldn't breathe because he was choking
my life out of me. I mean, I could not breathe, my face was turning
blue, and he was beating me with the phone.

"It was very scary, just straight evil came over his face. It was
horrible. When he finally realized what he was doing, that's when I
got up and ran."

Days later, Sarah came home early from work and found Noah packing
his things. He was moving in with his friend Tyler Nuberg, who had a
spare room. "I think he was worried he was going to hurt one of us,"
Cheryl says. "We were sitting together one day, and out of the blue,
matter-of-fact, he said, 'I could kill every one of you in the house,
not give it a second thought, and go to sleep.' "

Noah started working at Tyler's family business, a kayak factory, and
every evening he would sit in his chair next to a mini-fridge full of
Michelob Golden Draft Light and listen to music. Almost every night
he played an acoustic ballad by the band Smile Empty Soul called
"This Is War." In haunting detail, it describes kicking in doors and
blowing people's heads off "for my country." The song is a favorite
among many returning veterans. Noah requested in his suicide note
that it be played at his funeral.

Cheryl was dropping by Tyler and Noah's place virtually every day,
and each time she left the house in tears. He was becoming angrier
and would berate her in slurring, drunken tirades. "Noah drank to
forget and he drank because he hated himself," Cheryl says.

On Monday, July 25, 2007, it was already hot when Noah left for the
kayak factory. He was in a good mood, and there was nothing strange
about his behavior, except that for lunch he had only a beer, Tyler
remembered later. Noah left work early, and at about five o'clock,
his mother, planning to drop off mail and see her son, drove by his
house and the factory looking for his truck. When she couldn't find
it, Cheryl assumed he was at the recruiter's office. He had been
talking about signing up again, but this time, he'd told Sarah, he
planned on dying in Iraq.

"It was a quarter to five or so," Cheryl recalls, "and so I pick up
the telephone, 'Hey it's me, wanna know if you want to have dinner
with me, see me, talk to me, but I guess not,' and I hung up the
phone, didn't tell him I loved him or anything, just hung up the
phone." Twenty-five minutes later her phone buzzed with a text
message from Noah. "I opened it up and it says, 'i love you guys so
much and i'm so sorry.' I text him back, 'You are my heart, Noah,'
and then I went to call him, and before I could call him Sarah called
me. She wanted to know if I'd just got a text message from Noah, and
I said yes and she started screaming."

Noah was at "the spot"­where he'd practiced marksmanship at 13 with
Tom and cut school to fish with his friends. He'd parked his old,
brick-red Sonoma pickup in the clearing, between a small patch of
birch trees and a discarded, upturned boat seat. With his knife he
carved FREEDOM ISN'T FREE in the pickup's dashboard. He took his
photo IDs from his wallet and stabbed his face out of each one. He
punched the rearview mirror, smashing the glass.

At some point, he took a picture of himself with his cell phone. It
would be the last photograph of Noah alive. And it is a portrait of
despair: His shirt is off and he looks as though he's been crying.
Between five and six that evening, he sent a message to his friends
Ryan Nelson and Tyler: "bam life's a bitch i'm out."

Noah scrawled a suicide note on the back of a National Rifle
Association pistol-safety certificate and then started drinking.
"Time's finally up," he wrote, "I am not a good person, I have done
bad things. I have taken lives, now it's time to take mine."

Noah put his .38 Special to his right temple, wedged one of his Army
dog tags between the muzzle and his skin, and pulled the trigger.

A few weeks before Memorial Day 2008, fresh sod finally was laid over
the loose dirt covering Noah at the Calvary Cemetery in Virginia,
Minnesota, which crests a gentle hill, opposite the hospital. His
mother and sister, who split their time between here and the spot,
have finished decorating veterans' graves with flags. They sit
cross-legged on Noah's plot, talking quietly.

In the first months after Noah's death, Cheryl had gotten interest in
her proposal to mandate counseling for returning veterans from
Representatives Neil Abercrombie (D-Hawaii) and Jim Oberstar
(D-Minnesota) and Senators Norm Coleman (R-Minnesota) and Amy
Klobuchar (D-Minnesota). But now months have passed since she has
received word from any of them. Sarah runs a fingernail through the
etched letters on the headstone: I-r-a-q, she spells aloud. "It
doesn't need to say anything else," Cheryl says.

"Have you had the urge to dig?" Sarah asks her mother. "I started one
day. God, I'm so glad that the grass is down now. I just wanted to
check he was still down there."

"I was thinking the same thing," Cheryl replies, "that I'm so glad
the grass is there, otherwise I'd be digging. Just to get to him,
just to see him one more time."
--

Ashley Gilbertson's many honors include the 2004 Robert Capa Gold
Medal, the Photographer of the Year from the National Photo Awards,
and selection of his work for Time magazine's "Pictures of the Year."
He is the author of Whiskey Tango Foxtrot: A Photographer's Chronicle
of the Iraq War. His website is www.ashleygilbertson.com. Excerpted
from the Virginia Quarterly Review (Fall 2008), a national journal of
literature and discussion; www.vqronline.org.

.