Thursday, October 30, 2008

War Veterans Speak Out Against JROTC

[2 articles]

War Veterans Speak Out Against JROTC And Prop V

http://www.ktvu.com/news/17775431/detail.html

October 21, 2008

SAN FRANCISCO -- A group of seven U.S. military veterans stood before
the War Memorial Veterans Building in San Francisco Tuesday to voice
opposition to Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps in local high schools.

An initiative on San Francisco's Nov 4 ballot, Proposition V, aims to
reverse a school board resolution to phase out the program.

The former soldiers, who served in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan,
repeated the slogan "No more military recruitment in our schools" at
every change of speaker.

Michael Wong, a former JROTC cadet and U.S. Army veteran who served
in Vietnam, said national recruitment figures of high school JROTC
members into the military are 30 to 40 per cent -- higher than local
figures cited by proponents of Prop V, he said.

"Out of a group of 6 friends in JROTC, five went into the military,"
he said. "It is very definitely a recruitment program."

Proposition V was placed on the ballot through a petition by San
Francisco residents. If passed, it will make it city policy to
encourage the Board of Education to reverse a prior action to
terminate the JROTC program.

In November 2006, the board passed a resolution to end JROTC programs
in district schools over three years, stating that the organization
was "an inappropriate extension of the nation's military into the
civilian sphere."

Johnny K. Wang, a political consultant speaking for the group
"Friends of JROTC," which supports the proposition, said the small
number of JROTC cadets who enter the military is dwarfed by the
number who enter college instead.

"In San Francisco, JROTC does not recruit students into the military,
and JROTC does not recruit students into JROTC," he said.

--------

Veterans speak out against Prop V and JROTC

http://www.fogcityjournal.com/wordpress/2008/10/20/veterans-speak-out-against-prop-v-and-jrotc/

From the No on Proposition V campaign,
www.nomilitaryrecruitmentinourschools.org

October 20, 2008

WHAT:Veterans speak out against Prop V and JROTC
WHEN: Tuesday, October 21, 2008 - 11:00 am
WHERE: War Memorial and Veterans Building, 401 Van Ness Ave., SF

WHO: John Caldera, SF Veterans Affairs Commissioner, American Legion,
Commander Post 315
Eddie Falcon, Vice-President, SF Iraq Vets Against the War, Air Force
in Iraq and Afghanistan
Stephen Funk, President, SF Iraq Vets Against the War, gay Marine who
refused orders to Iraq
Michael Job, gay Viet Nam combat veteran, US Army, retired SFUSD teacher
George Johnson, Viet Nam combat vet, US Navy, Veterans for Peace
Forrest Schmidt, ANSWER Coalition, Army National Guard
Michael Wong, US Army, Veterans for Peace and Asian Americans for
Peace and Justice

"Veterans know what the military experience is really all about,"
says Michael Wong of Veterans for Peace. "The purpose of JROTC is the
exploitation of children by adults to feed our wars for oil and
conquest. Targeting youth under 18 for military recruitment is a
violation of international law for good reason."

"I support ROTC in college, but I do NOT support JROTC in the high
schools," says SF Veterans Affairs Commissioner John Caldera. "We do
not allow 14 year old boys and girls to buy cigarettes, drink
alcohol, drive cars or to engage in sex acts with anyone over the age
of 18 without violating federal laws, so why would we support the
exposure of our impressionable youth to Policy Memorandum 50 of the
U.S. Army Recruiting Command that clearly demonstrates JROTC is a
recruiting program?"

Former Defense Secretary William Cohen said, "JROTC is one of the
best recruiting tools we have." Military recruiters are lying to our
children to enlist them. Promises of education, college, job skills,
duty stations and a host of other rewards are offered and often
cannot be delivered. "The 'leadership' skills JROTC teaches are only
the Army's model of blind obedience to authority," says Michael Wong.
"This might prepare them for jobs flipping hamburgers, but not for
professional jobs in a high tech, fast paced environment where you
have to think for yourself – on your feet, out of the box – and
intelligently adjust to constantly changing situations."

"It's your children we are militarizing with JROTC! The Department of
Defense says the enlistment rate for students taking JROTC is 43%,"
says Michael Job, Viet Nam veteran and retired SFUSD teacher. "We
need to take responsibility if even one of the 43% should die in
another illegal war – the blood of that one young life is on all of
our hands, not to mention whom he/she might have killed in the
process. There is no need to offer children up to the altar of our
Armed Forces. This is not love, knowledge, or wisdom."

Viet Nam veteran George Johnson says, "I'm proud to have voted for
the 2003 Veterans for Peace resolution opposing JROTC, which
concludes: 'Finally as mature and seasoned Veterans and citizens who
have both experienced the horrors and futility of war, we understand
the importance and role of high quality education to maintain both a
Republic and Democracy. JROTC and military recruiters in public
schools are the antithesis and profoundly undermine what is good and
great about the United States of America.'"

"The school board made the right decision, to eliminate a homophobic
military recruitment program. I strongly urge people to vote NO on V
to support the school board's courageous and moral stand," said
Stephen Funk, President, Iraq Veterans Against the War, San Francisco.

.

Military meeting recruiting goals

Military meeting recruiting goals

http://www.ohio.com/news/top_stories/32728189.html

Volunteers cite education, patriotism as reasons for joining

By Jim Carney
Beacon Journal staff writer
Published on Thursday, Oct 23, 2008

Courtney Kesler is one of the reasons the Army and the other branches
of the armed services have been meeting their recruiting goals.

Kesler, a 17-year-old junior at Norton High School, signed up to join
the Army Reserve earlier this month and will go to basic training
next summer before her senior year.

''I'm ready to go now,'' said Kesler, who will join the 447th
Military Police Company based at Akron-Canton Airport. ''I want the
experience.''

These are good times for U.S. military recruiters. Earlier this
month, the U.S. Department of Defense and the Ohio National Guard
released reports showing that the Army, Marines, Air Force and Navy
and Ohio Army and Ohio Air National Guard all met or exceeded their
recruiting goals.

Nearly 325,000 men and women, the defense department said, were
brought into all branches of the service in active duty and reserve
units during fiscal 2008, which ended Sept. 30 ­ up from a stated
goal of about 317,000.

''The quality of folks we are bringing in is very high,'' said Air
Force Lt. Col. Kent Dalton, commander of the 338th Recruiting Command
Squadron, which covers three-quarters of Ohio, half of West Virginia
and portions of Kentucky and Indiana.

So far, Dalton and other recruiters said, the economic downturn does
not appear to be playing a role in enlistment decisions.

''People join the Air Force for all kinds of reasons,'' said Dalton,
who listed the top ones as education benefits, travel, independence,
excitement and patriotism.

Some things unchanged

Marine Sgt. Martin Harris, marketing and public relations chief of
the Cleveland Recruiting Station in Middleburg Heights, said
applicants are still asking the same questions of recruiters.

They're enlisting in the Marines ''for the same reasons that set us
apart from the other services ­ small unit leadership, pride of
belonging, travel and adventure,'' Harris said.

Navy spokesman Keith Bryska, a mass communications specialist 1st
class, said the Navy is getting recruits who simply want to serve
their country.

''I don't think the economy has anything to do with it,'' said
Bryska, who is based in Columbus and works in Ohio, West Virginia and
Kentucky. ''It is the recruiters out in the field doing a good job
and the opportunities the military gives to individuals.''

Ohio National Guard spokesman James Sims said officials believe the
No. 1 draw for recruiting is the education benefit that pays 100
percent of tuition costs at a state-sponsored school.

The Guard also has had success lately with G-RAP, its new Guard
Recruiting Assistance Program in which a service member who assists
in signing up a friend receives $2,000.

''It is a widely successful program,'' Sims said. ''We have a number
of soldiers and airmen who have made significant dollars.''

Army Sgt. First Class Philip J. Haessly, a recruiter in Barberton,
said depending on job selection and length of the service, recruits
can receive up to $81,000 in college benefits, and up to $65,000 in
college loan repayments, as well as up to $40,000 in enlistment
bonuses, to sign up with the Army.

College benefits, he said, ''are definitely a big factor.''

Kesler, who lives in Barberton and was recruited by Haessly, said
that was a factor in her decision to join the Reserve.

She not only is getting a $20,000 bonus, but she will receive more
than $44,000 in GI Bill benefits.

Setting goals

Her goal is to become a police officer. She plans to enter college
after graduation from Norton High to study law enforcement.

Every Thursday evening at the Barberton Army recruiting office on
Wooster Road North, she learns about Army life and trains with seven
other soldiers.

Capt. Jay Coats, commander of the U.S. Army Recruiting Company in
Medina, emphasizes patriotism as the reasons recruitment goals have been met.

''As long as we have patriotic young men and women willing to serve
their country,'' Coats said, ''I don't think the economy will ever
overshadow one's true desire to serve their country.''
--


.
Jim Carney can be reached at 330-996-3576 or jcarney@thebeaconjournal.com.

Army unfazed by recruitment limits at KHS

Army unfazed by recruitment limits at KHS

http://www.dailyfreeman.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=20176112&BRD=1769&PAG=461&dept_id=74969&rfi=6

By Kyle Wind, Freeman staff
10/24/2008

KINGSTON - The U.S. Army respects the Kingston Board of Education's
decision to limit recruiters' access to Kingston High School, a
military spokesman said on Thursday.

The comment by Public Affairs Officer Andy Entwistle, of the Army's
Albany Recruiting Battalion, came the day after board members voted
7-1 to "provide military recruiters the same access, and no
additional access" to high school students than is afforded to
colleges and employers.

What the vote means is that military recruiters and representatives
of businesses and colleges can participate in the high school's
annual College Night - scheduled for Nov. 13 this year - but cannot
be on school grounds at other times without making an appointment
ahead of time.

Until now, recruiters - as well as employers and colleges - have been
allowed to set up tables in the high school cafeteria whenever they
pleased, with the military using the privilege most often. Kingston
school district Superintendent Gerard Gretzinger noted, however, that
the military made appointments in advance for each of last school
year's 21 visits.

The federal No Child Left Behind Act requires schools to afford at
least the same access to military recruiters as to their business and
collegiate counterparts.

Entwistle, the Army spokesman, said the access provided to recruiters
under the new policy is sufficient because "the law has determined
that is adequate."

When the issue first came before the school board in April, Trustee
David Fletcher, who now serves as the board's president, voted
against a successful motion to table the matter. Fletcher said at the
time that he did not feel it necessary to restrict recruiters. On
Wednesday, however, Fletcher voted in favor of the restriction, and
he said it now is up to the district's administration to implement
and enforce the new rule.

Board member Matthew McCoy, who voted against tabling the matter in
April and voted against the new restriction on Wednesday, said it's
wrong for the board to limit the access afforded to colleges and
businesses simply because trustees "don't like military recruiters
having unfettered access to students" or disagree with the nation's
foreign policy.

Trustee Maureen Bowers conceded that individual biases may have
played a role in Wednesday's vote.

"Matt was probably right when he said we let our personal opinions
influence the vote," Bowers said. She said the board tries to
evaluate each decision objectively, "but we all bring some subjectivity."

During Wednesday's meeting, Bowers said she was voting in favor of
the restriction because she had seen the recruiters in action in the
high school and "objected to their methodology."

On Thursday, she said that twice during the 2007-08 school year, she
happened to be in the school when recruiters were visiting and got
the feeling they were preying on students.

Saying that she was speaking from her own perspective and that of a
concerned citizen, rather than a board member, Bowers said she was
troubled that, during a time of war, the presentation offered to
students by recruiters was not more balanced.

She noted as an example that recruiters were offering not only
information but also had "a table full of giveaways," including water
bottles and key chains, to help attract students. Bowers also said
the military handouts included misleading questions, like "Do you
like to travel?"

Bowers also said she favors limiting college and business
representatives to the high school's guidance office because such
prearranged visits give students a chance to speak with their parents
first and make more level-headed decisions. For example, she said, a
student might speak with an admissions counselor from a college and
get excited, only to be deflated upon later learning the school is
out of his or her family's price range.

School board member James Shaughnessy, who voted in favor of the new
restriction, said during Wednesday's meeting that military recruiting
efforts "are obviously not working" because only seven students from
the Kingston High School Class of 2008 enlisted.

.

Sunday, October 26, 2008

School board limits military recruiters' access to Kingston High

School board limits military recruiters' access to Kingston High

http://www.dailyfreeman.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=20174366&BRD=1769&PAG=461&dept_id=74969&rfi=6

By Kyle Wind, Freeman staff
10/23/2008

KINGSTON - The Board of Education voted Wednesday to limit military
recruiters' access to Kingston High School to the school's annual
College Night and to visits arranged in advance through the guidance office.

The school board's Policy Committee had been considering the issue
since a workshop in April at which trustees discussed how the
district should comply with a provision in the federal No Child Left
Behind Act that states schools must give equal access to colleges,
employers and military recruiters.

At the time, some board members expressed concerns that military
recruiters were allowed too much access to students, particularly
relative to the number of visits from representatives of
post-secondary institutions and businesses. Prior to Wednesday's
vote, military recruiters were allowed to set up a table in the high
school cafeteria on any school day.

Trustee Christopher Farrell, who was president of the school board in
April, said at the time that he would prefer colleges are the first
parties to reach out to district students. He expressed concerns
about military recruiters using deceptive tactics and recruiting from
vulnerable populations.

Farrell's latter concern was echoed by Kingston resident David Bruner
during the public comment period of Wednesday's meeting. Bruner said
a career in the military "can be a ticket to a better life," but he
called recruiting from high schools a "poverty draft."

Trustee Maureen Bowers said later that she supported the resolution
because she went to the high school to observe recruiters and
"objected to their methodology."

Trustee Matthew McCoy, the sole member of the board to vote against
the resolution to change the policy, said he felt "it is sad to limit
all employers and colleges to one night just because some board
members don't like military recruiters having unfettered access to students."

Superintendent Gerard Gretzinger responded that recruiters still can
make appointments ahead of time to visit the guidance office. The
visits, like those from colleges and prospective employers, will be
posted in classrooms, and interested students can sign up to meet
with the recruiters on the days they are at the high school.

McCoy noted the U.S. military is a volunteer force and said he
believes it is unfair to limit the military's access to the high
school because some board members disagree with the nation's current
foreign policy.

The vote to restrict military recruiters, college representative and
employers to College Night was 7-1, with Trustee Kathy Germain absent.

This year's College Night is scheduled for Nov. 13.

.

Measures address military recruitment practices

Measures address military recruitment practices

http://www.humboldtbeacon.com/opinion/ci_10794802

Humboldt Beacon
Article Launched: 10/23/2008

Dear Editor,

We, the Board of Directors of the Redwood Peace and Justice Center,
believe that limiting recruiter contact with youth is beneficial for
the community. Passing measures F and J would mean that teenagers
would be less likely to be unwittingly subjected to recruiters, who
are trained to think of teens as commodities rather than as human beings.

Members of our board have seen recruiters bringing pizza for the
students onto junior high school campuses, presumably to start the
process of creating positive associations with enlistment. If this is
the normal course of events, it is appropriate for the many people
working on this measure to bring it our attention and seek to change
the way the community views military solicitation of our youth. We
are not alone in our views.

The Youth Protection Act is supported by Veterans for Peace, Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom, The Humboldt Green Party,
and the hundreds of citizens who have already signed the petition to
get this measure on the ballot. We urge registered voters in Eureka
to vote "Yes" on measure J and those in Arcata to vote "Yes" on measure F.

If you or someone you know is concerned about military service, leave
a message at 444-8270 and we will put you in touch with the Humboldt
Committee for Conscientious Objectors/GI Rights Hotline.

Ross Mackinney
Blue Lake

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‘Counter-Recruiter’ Seeks to Block Students’ Data From the Military

'Counter-Recruiter' Seeks to Block Students' Data From the Military

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/23/nyregion/23military.html

By JAVIER C. HERNANDEZ
Published: October 22, 2008

Barbara G. Harris, 72, looked her troops in the eye. Staring out at
mohawks on one side of the room, salt-white bobs on the other, she
said in her delicately firm way: "Hold your ground. You have every
right to stand there, and if anyone tells you differently, tell them
your rights."

A retired teacher and longtime peace advocate, Ms. Harris was
tutoring 20 new enlistees in the art of "counter-recruitment," her
personal crusade to block recruiters for the United States military
from contacting New York City high school students.

She had assembled the group in her war room, a space near Union
Square lent by a sympathetic organization, where plants and antiwar
signs line the walls, in preparation for a blitz Thursday evening at
parent-teacher conferences, where Ms. Harris and the others plan to
stand on sidewalks outside school buildings armed with opt-out forms
and their best sales pitches.

"You don't have a whole lot of time ­ that's the point," Ms. Harris
told the volunteers, who ranged in age from college students to the
Granny Peace Brigade, a New York group of older women started in 2005
to protest the Iraq war. "Don't be frustrated by that. They do stop."

Ms. Harris's efforts this week come as the Department of Education is
facing renewed criticism from the New York Civil Liberties Union on
the issue of military recruitment, after changing its policy in
September to allow recruiters to get data about high school students
from a central office. In the past, recruiters had to go from school
to school to get names, addresses and phone numbers for students.

Federal law requires that schools provide the military the same
access as colleges and other prospective employers. Parents are
allowed to block access to a child's information by signing an opt-out form.

Douglas Smith, a spokesman for the United States Army recruiting
command, said that he was unaware of Ms. Harris but that the military
did not object to counter-recruitment efforts. "We would hope that we
would have an open discourse and not have one group try to stifle the
ability of the other group to speak," he said.

Ms. Harris, who lives in Midtown, started counter-recruiting three
years ago, troubled by what she saw as an increasingly aggressive
attempt to recruit low-income and minority students into the armed
forces (she calls it a "poverty draft"). She has made it her mission
to inform students, parents and teachers of alternatives to joining
the military. She was among 18 members of the Granny Peace Brigade
arrested and charged with disorderly conduct at the Times Square
recruitment center in 2005; they were later acquitted of all charges.

Her latest campaign caps a half-century of protests. In the 1950s,
while her friends ducked under desks and talked of fallout shelters,
Ms. Harris took to the streets, rallying against the proliferation of
nuclear weapons.

As the Vietnam War roiled, she focused on peace and women's rights.
She got a job teaching special-needs children at a public school in
Pleasantville, N.Y., followed by a 21-year stint as a corporate
trainer at AT&T. In the 1990s, Ms. Harris returned to the classroom,
teaching English as a second language at the New School until her
retirement in 2002. She has two children and two grandchildren.

Friends describe her as a protester who rarely raises her voice and
makes it a point not to talk over others.

"She is an absolute wonder," said Nancy Kricorian, coordinator for
the city's chapter of Code Pink, a women's antiwar group Ms. Harris
belongs to. "She can talk to the most rabid person, somebody who
totally disagrees with what we're doing, in an even and convincing way."

Bev Rice, a member of the Granny Peace Brigade who planned to help
with Thursday's counter-recruitment effort, said: "Nothing appears to
upset her. She's just the type of person you want to do something for."

Ms. Harris, who canvasses on parent-teacher nights in fall and
spring, and talks with community groups about high school recruiting
in between, estimated that 9 out of 10 parents she speaks with do not
know about the opt-out form, despite the city's requirement that
principals distribute information about it.

"You give them the information, you see them change their minds," she
said. "They know their kids are vulnerable. They say: 'They're
calling my baby and I don't want them to speak to my child. What
should I do?' "

Over the years, Ms. Harris watched as military recruiters became, in
her eyes, unduly forceful in the hallways of New York high schools.
Recruiters formed friendships with students, she said, and gave them
the impression that being a soldier can cure all their struggles.

Ms. Harris said she does not mind if students join the military, as
long as they are informed of the risks and other opportunities, and
meet with recruiters off school grounds. But she said that as she
spoke with students in poor neighborhoods like East Harlem, she
discovered that many of them were unaware that they could get
financial aid for college on their own and saw the military as their
only option.

"For many of these young kids, especially boys, it's a macho thing ­
you're strong, you're one of the team, you get this respect if you
join," she said. "If a young person wants to enlist, at least he or
she knows what it's about, what the truth about recruiting is. They
can decide if that's the best choice for them."

.

Tuesday, October 21, 2008

Recruiters on the march at high schools

Recruiters on the march at high schools

http://www.silive.com/news/advance/index.ssf?/base/news/1224155707240960.xml&coll=1

Policy change gives preference to military, Civil Liberties Union complains

Thursday, October 16, 2008
By AMISHA PADNANI
STATEN ISLAND ADVANCE

STATEN ISLAND, N.Y. -- The hallways of Port Richmond High School are
beginning to resemble military recruitment offices.

Or so the New York Civil Liberties Union charged yesterday. According
to the group, city officials secretly passed a directive last month
that makes it easier for military recruiters to obtain high school
students' personal information.

In the past, military recruitment was done on a school-by-school
basis. According to the NYCLU, recruiters were expected to build
relationships with administrators by buying them coffee and
volunteering at school events.

But on Sept. 16, the city Department of Education streamlined the
process so recruiters could request information for several schools
at a time through the DOE's central office. Information is handed
over unless students complete an opt-out form. What's worse,
according to the organization, is that the policy was changed through
a directive, which didn't require public input.

"[The directive] gives preferential treatment to the military," said
Erica Braudy, a field organizer with the NYCLU. "But if you're going
to have such a massive 180 [degree] change, principals need time to
make sure they've reviewed the opt-outs correctly, they've sent the
letters to parents and they've given students time in homeroom to
read them over and make the choice of whether they want to keep their
information private."

The NYCLU was made aware of the situation several years ago, when
parents said recruiters were knocking on their doors and teachers
reported that recruiters were taking up classroom time.

The group surveyed 1,000 students at 45 high schools in the five
boroughs -- including Port Richmond High School -- and came out with
a report last year saying many students had no idea this was happening.

In the last couple of weeks, the NYCLU has been distributing "know
your rights" fliers to students at various high schools, Curtis High
School among them.

The deadline to opt out is tomorrow; however, the NYCLU is asking
that the DOE extend the deadline by a month and allow for public
comment regarding the new policy.

Margie Feinberg, a DOE spokeswoman, said the department sent a letter
to the NYCLU refuting some of the NYCLU's allegations, adding that
the new process is intended to protect students since principals have
an opportunity to make sure students have filled out their opt-out forms.

According to Ms. Feinberg, schools distribute the opt-out letter and
information to students and parents at the start of the school year.
When a military recruiter requests student information, the DOE
compiles a list and sends it to the school for review. The principal
makes sure everyone who opted out has been removed from the list
before it is given to military recruiters.
--

Amisha Padnani covers education news for the Advance. She may be
reached at padnani@siadvance.com.

.

Ailing Army needs rebuilding

Ailing Army needs rebuilding

http://www.tampabay.com/opinion/columns/article860003.ece

By Bill Maxwell, Times Columnist
In print: Sunday, October 19, 2008

When the U.S. military, along with a handful of allies, invaded Iraq
in the spring of 2003, hopes ran high that our lighter, swifter,
all-volunteer service would accomplish the mission in short order and
be home in time for Christmas.

Five years later, a crude reality has emerged: Our all-volunteer
service is straining under the weight of forces that few in
Washington had predicted. Some analysts believe that our military has
been irreparably damaged by the protracted conflicts in both Iraq and
Afghanistan.

Because the military is all-volunteer, the biggest problems are
recruitment and keeping personnel in the ranks for the duration of
their enlistments. To meet recruitment goals and to keep troop levels
adequate during this era of the so-called war on terror, the
military, especially the active Army and the Reserves, has been
forced to lower its standards for enlistees.

The result, some officials acknowledge, is that the Army is ailing,
and the problem is reflected in the rate of desertions. More soldiers
and enlistees are deserting in numbers that have not been seen since
Vietnam, when the draft was in effect.

A harsh truth is that too many of our volunteer soldiers do not
belong in uniform. They are unable to endure the physical demands and
discipline required.

An Army study offers a profile of who is most likely to desert as the
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan drag on. They are, among others, those
who lack high school diplomas or have low aptitudes, those who
receive waivers for problems such as drug use and criminal records,
those who are in the upper age limit for recruits, those who have
family issues and those with known pre-existing medical problems.
(Ironically, studies show that during Vietnam, draftees were less
likely to desert than volunteers.)

Many enlistees get to boot camp and realize they cannot cope with the
rigors of training, deserting within a few weeks. Many others simply
refuse to be sent back to the war zones time and again, especially
guardsmen and reservists who thought they were signing up to
supplement their incomes as "weekend warriors."

Those enlistees, their families and employers had no idea their
part-time stateside duties would morph into full-time fighting overseas.

"This is what happens when you try and fight a long, unpopular war
with a volunteer force," said Lawrence Korb, a former assistant
secretary of defense and a fellow for the Center for American
Progress. "The Army was not built to fight a long war."

Unlike during Vietnam, most of today's deserters do not leave for
political reasons, officials say. They leave mainly for personal
reasons. According to the Army, about nine in every 1,000 soldiers
deserted during fiscal year 2007, compared to nearly seven per 1,000 in 2006.

Many Army officials say that because the desertion numbers represent
less than 1 percent of that branch's enlistees, the problem is not
serious. Others disagree, arguing that the numbers are a symptom of a
larger problem: The Army has lowered its standards to unacceptable
levels. As a result, it is signing up people who weaken the ranks and
diminish readiness and security.

As desertions have increased, the Army has stepped up punishment,
mostly as a warning to others. The overwhelming majority of deserters
are handled administratively, given other than honorable discharges.
This is especially true for those who desert during basic training.
Soldiers who desert when their units are preparing to deploy,
however, will more than likely go to prison. The standard sentence is
two years, a far cry from the days when desertion during wartime was
punishable by death.

As the wars continue, the Army will have to double its efforts to
attract enlistees and keep them, a reality that is not lost on top
brass and administrators such as Roy Wallace, director of plans and
resources for the Army.

"We're asking a lot of soldiers these days," Wallace said during a
televised news conference. "They're humans. They have all sorts of
issues back home and other places like that. So, I'm sure it has to
do with the stress of being a soldier. We have been concentrating on
this. The Army can't afford to throw away good people. We have got to
work with those individuals and try to help them become good soldiers."

Rebuilding the Army will be difficult, especially when the draft is
out of the question. Re-enlistment bonuses and other inducements may
be Band-Aid fixes, but they are not real solutions to the
deterioration of quality.

The next president and Congress will have to muster the political
courage to restore the Army's viability ­ battle readiness,
state-of-the-art machinery and armaments and adequate numbers of
qualified troops. Above all, the next commander in chief will have to
think twice before sending troops into another war.

.

The Shocking State of the US Military

[2 versions]

U.S. Military Faces Challenge as GI Joe Goes Hi-tech

http://www.metimes.com/International/2008/10/20/special_report_us_military_faces_challenge_as_gi_joe_goes_hi-tech/1080/

By CLAUDE SALHANI (Editor, Middle East Times)
Published: October 20, 2008

The U.S. military is still the most formidable fighting force in the
history of the world, having unprecedented firepower, resources, and
the financial means to equip itself with the latest high tech
gadgetry. However, it is not without problems as the Pentagon tries
to reassess its future needs amid changing geopolitical demands and
evolving threats.

With the end of the Cold War and the threat from the Soviet Union
gone, the U.S. military began to downsize.

But then came the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and America's military
forces found themselves fighting three major conflicts; a full-scale
war-turned-insurgency-turned-uprising-turned-urban war in Iraq; a
guerrilla war in Afghanistan and an asymmetrical war waged against a
mostly invisible enemy in the so-called "war on terror."

These three conflicts presented new challenges for the U.S. military
which had become smaller after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the
end of communism from Eastern Europe when Washington decided there
was no longer the need for such a large force.

In defense of the department of defense, no one could have
anticipated or ever imagined that the United States would one day go
to war – make that two wars – in the greater Middle East. Just as no
one could have predicted the horrendous terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.

Among the major challenges the Pentagon will face in the coming years
will be recruitment and retention; problems further accentuated not
only by the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, but also due to the fact
that the U.S. Army now has fewer troops, overseas deployment
assignments are longer, and troops frequently end up serving two,
three and even four combat tours in Iraq, making it very hard on the
lives of soldiers and their families. Far fewer enlisted personnel
end up staying in the military than in previous decades.

"Those are fairly serious problems," said Steve Kosiak, vice
president for budget studies at the Center for Strategic and
Budgetary Assessments in Washington.

"We are worse off in terms of quality than we were a few years ago,"
Kosiak said.

Because of the difficulty recruiting, the army has lowered the bar,
making it easier to sign up. Among those who do sign up, only one in
five stay a full 20 years.

The reasons why fewer people enlist are threefold:

First, more youth are going to college today that ever before.
"People who go to college are less likely to serve in the military,"
Kosiak said.

Second, traditionally young people who had a parent in the military
are more likely to enlist and follow in their father's (or mother's)
footsteps. With fewer veterans, there are fewer recruits. The ratio
of veterans-recruits dropped from 60 percent in the 1980s to 18
percent currently and it is predicted to decrease further, to a mere 8 percent.

And third, the wars in the Middle East are causing potential recruits
to reconsider the possibility of a career in the Army.

We could add a related point: The very structure of the conventional
army is being transformed, with rising demand for greater
specialization, as weapon systems – and indeed, warfare in general –
becomes more high tech. In the future there will be more demand for
specialized skills and less need for the regular GI Joe.

At the same time there will be transformations on the battlefield
with combat missions becoming more and more zone specific, according
to Kosiak.

This means that smaller units are likely to be committed to the
theater of operations with narrow targets and missions instead of
throwing massive numbers into a battle as in past conflicts.

This new tactic will require more reliable lower level officers,
Kosiak said, adding: "There will be a greater demand for smarter
middle echelon officers – captains and majors – who are intelligent
risk takers."

Today's multi-front warfare is stretching limited military resources
to such an extent that the Pentagon has decided to increase the size
of the Army by 65,000 troops, while the Marines are being increased
by 27,000 personnel.

Unlike the Army, the U.S. Marine Corp has not experienced problems in
recruiting people. Marine General "Boomer" Milstead, who is in charge
of Marine recruitment told this correspondent a couple of months ago
that the Marines were not only meeting, but they were exceeding
recruitment quotas – without lowering the standards.

Gen. Milstead said that when he informed a potential recruit that the
Army would pay him $30,000 more, the recruit replied, "Yes sir, but
they will not make me a Marine."

One reason why the Marines are recruiting more easily is possibly
because the Marines are traditionally expected to serve in longer
overseas deployments and be given the toughest assignments.

--------

The Shocking State of the US Military

http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticleNew.asp?col=&section=opinion&xfile=data/opinion/2008/October/opinion_October74.xml

Claude Salhani (VIEW FROM WASHINGTON)
17 October 2008

The US military is still the most formidable fighting force in the
history of the world, having unprecedented firepower, resources and
financial means to equip itself with the latest high-tech gadgetry;
however, it is not without problems as the Pentagon tries to reassess
its future needs amid changing geopolitical demands and evolving threats.

With the end of the Cold War and the threat from the Soviet Union no
longer something to worry about, the US military began to downsize.

But then came the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the US military
found itself fighting three major conflicts; a full-scale
war-turned-insurgency-turned-uprising-turned urban war in Iraq; a
guerrilla war in Afghanistan and an asymmetrical war waged against a
mostly invisible enemy in the so-called "war on terror."

These three conflicts presented new challenges for the US military in
view that it had already began to downsize after the fall of the
Berlin Wall and the disappearance of communism from Eastern Europe
when Washington decided there no longer the need for such a large force.

In defence of the department of defence, no one could have
anticipated or ever imagined that the United States would one day go
to war ­ make that two wars ­ in the greater Middle East. Just as no
one could have predicted the tragic events that led to the horrendous
terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.

Among the major challenges the Pentagon will have to face in the
coming years will be the growing problem the military faces in
recruiting and retention; problems further accentuated not only by
the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, but also due to the fact that the
Army now with fewer troops, overseas deployment assignments are
longer and troops frequently end up serving two, three and even four
combat tours in Iraq, making it very hard on the lives of soldiers
and their families. Far fewer enlisted personnel end up staying in
the military than in previous decades."Those are fairly serious
problems," said Steve Kosiak, vice-president for budget studies at
the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments in Washington.

"We are worse off in terms of quality than we were a few years ago,"
said Kosiak. Because of the difficulty recruiting, the army has
lowered the bar, making it easier to sign up.

Among those who do sign up only one in five end up staying a full 20
years. The reasons why fewer people are enlisting are threefold.

First: More young people are going to college today that ever before.
"People who go to college are less likely to serve in the military,"
said Koziak.

Second: Traditionally, young people who had a parent in the military
are more likely to enlist and follow in their father's (or mother's)
footsteps. With fewer veterans, there are fewer recruits. In recent
years the ratio of veterans-recruits went down from 60 per cent in
the 1980s to the current 18 per cent and it is predicted to go
further down to a mere 8 per cent.

And third: the wars in the Middle East are causing potential recruits
to reconsider the possibility of a career in the Army. Furthermore,
the very structure of the conventional army is being transformed with
rising demand for greater specialisation as weapon systems, and
indeed, warfare in general becomes more high tech.

In the future there will be more demand for specialised skills and
less for the regular GI Joe.

At the same time there will be transformations on the battlefield
with combat missions becoming more and more zone specific, according
to Kosiak. This means that smaller units are likely to be committed
to the theatre of operations with specific targets and missions
instead of throwing massive numbers into a battle as in past
conflicts. This new tactic will require more reliable lower level
officers, said Kosiak. "There will be a greater demand for smarter
middle echelon officers ­ captains and majors ­ who are intelligent
risk takers.

As a result of this over-stretching the Pentagon has decided to
increase the size of the Army by adding 65,000 troops, while the
Marines are increasing their size by 27,000.

Unlike the Army, the US Marine Corp has not had any recruitment
problems. Marine General "Boomer" Milstead, who is in charge of
Marine recruitment told me a couple of months ago that the Marines
were not only meeting but also exceeding their recruiting quotas. And
unlike the other services, they were not lowering the standards.

Gen. Milstead told me that when he informed a potential recruit that
the Army would pay him $30,000 more, the recruit replied, "Yes sir,
but they will not make me a Marine."

The other services may not be as lucky. "There are reasons to be
concerned," said Kosiak.

These problems, he said, take a long time to fix.
--

Claude Salhani is editor of the Middle East Times and a political
analyst in Washington, DC. He can be reached at claude@metimes.com

.

Want your child recruited by the military at school?

Want your child recruited by the military at school?
Opt out now before it's too late

http://www.examiner.com/x-949-New-York-Schools-Examiner~y2008m10d16-Want-your-child-recruited-by-the-military-at-school-Opt-out-now-before-its-too-late

Chancellor Klein wrote a September 25 directive that streamlines the
military recruitment process for New York City high school students.
Starting in November, the DoE will provide the names of all juniors
and seniors, their addresses and telephone numbers to military recruiters.

If parents do not want their child's information given to the
military in November, they have until tomorrow, October 17, to
complete an opt-out form. Click here for your form:

Opt-out form for parents
https://nycboe.net/NR/rdonlyres/13C0BA67-6B26-46D1-9B4B-02FA8D0DF07A/38224/MilitaryRecruitmentDirective200792507Final.pdf


The New York Civil Liberties Union has requested that the Friday
deadline be stayed for 30 days, pending public discussion.

Granting unfettered access of student information to the military is
curious at best. School PTAs are not allowed student lists. Even
college recruiters are not given centralized access to DoE files.

By accommodating the military so strenuously, the DoE says that it is
more important for our children to be sent to Iraq than it is to send
them to college. They are saying the military is more important than our PTAs.

Have I been transported to a planet where war replaces education,
where generals supplant parents?

If you have any questions about the DoE military recruitment policy,
please contact Lilian Garelick, 212-374-6095 or lgareli@schools.nyc.gov.

.

Competition fierce in wartime recruiting

Chattanooga: Competition fierce in wartime recruiting

http://timesfreepress.com/news/2008/oct/18/chattanooga-competition-fierce-wartime-recruiting/?local

Oct. 18, 2008
By: Lauren Gregory

Every branch of the military managed to meet or exceed wartime
recruiting goals in the last fiscal year, but some say that's not due
to patriotism as much as aggressive marketing and fierce competition
among recruiters.

"We're in a constant battle," said Master Sgt. Kevin Hudgins, a
Tennessee National Guard recruiter who works out of the Chattanooga
Armory. "All military branches are recruiting from the same piece of
pie, theoretically ­ the 17-to-24-year-olds who aren't on drugs and
can pass the physicals ­ so it's really who's going to get in there
and connect with the people first."

The Army, National Guard, Marine Corps, Air Force and Navy all are
treating recruiting like a business venture these days, and therefore
they do vie with each other for candidates ­ especially after seven
years in Afghanistan and five in Iraq, agreed Douglas Smith,
spokesman for the U.S. Army Recruiting Command at Fort Knox, Ky.

When the draft was abolished in the early 1970s, "one of the
underlying assumptions was that it would take advertising and
marketing to support an all-volunteer force," Mr. Smith said.

But in modern wartime, the stakes are higher ­ and therefore so are
the pressures on individual recruiters across the nation, he said.
The Army, which as the largest branch of the service has the most
demanding recruiting goals, saw this firsthand as four recruiters
committed suicide between Oct. 1, 2007, and Sept. 30, 2008, he said.

Army officials became so concerned with the stresses on recruiters
that they recently created a Recruiting Command Suicide Prevention
Board to help prevent further tragedies, according to Mr. Smith.

UPPING THE ANTE

All branches of the military have upped the ante when it comes to
advertising. The Marine Corps, for example, increased its advertising
budget from $152 million in 2007 to $157 million in 2008 in an
attempt to etch its motto into the minds of committed young people,
said Marine Corps Recruiting Command spokesman Maj. Christian Devine.

The patriotism is certainly there, Maj. Devine said, but sometimes it
takes the tagline "The Few. The Proud." to bring it out.

"We feel our message of smart, tough, elite warrior resonates
strongly with today's young people," he said. "The intent of our
advertising is to generate interest in our Corps, which we hope is
followed by (a visit to a recruiter)."

Realistically, recruiters know that advertising won't necessarily
send someone to them immediately, said Sgt. John Thompson, a National
Guard recruiter in Athens, Tenn. But at the same time, it contributes
to branding efforts that hopefully will make a difference over time, he said.

The National Guard's new branding strategy involves sponsorship, Sgt.
Thompson said. In addition to partnerships with music stars Kid Rock
and Three Doors Down ­ each of which has made a special music video
for the National Guard that plays regularly at movie theaters
nationwide ­ the Guard has joined with various sports teams, from
rugby to professional fishing to motorcycle racing to get its name
noticed by the active, younger population.

One of the most important sponsorships is for NASCAR, he said,
explaining that Dale Earnhardt Jr. drives a car with the National
Guard logo on it for extra visibility.

"As for the movie theater ads and the tie-ins, I don't know that I've
ever had somebody come to me and say, 'Wow, I'm going to join the
Guard because I saw Kid Rock before I caught a movie at the Rave this
weekend," Maj. Thompson said. "But it's just about making yourself
known. I do think it's a good reinforcer that we're there."

.

Monday, October 20, 2008

DoD Reaches Out to Parents in New Ad Campaign

DoD Reaches Out to Parents in New Ad Campaign

http://www.defenselink.mil/news/newsarticle.aspx?id=51575

By Fred W. Baker III
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Oct. 20, 2008 – Defense Department marketers launched a
new television and online advertising campaign today, but its primary
target is not potential military recruits – it's their parents.

In one of the handful of ads slated to begin airing nationally, a
mother and father sit in their car parked outside a convenience
store, talking as their teenage son runs inside.

"The military. I didn't see that coming," the mom comments.

"You're telling me," the dad responds.

"I'm scared, obviously. But kind of impressed, too," says the mom.

"He doesn't want to wait to do something important," the dad replies.

"Wow," the dad says.

"Yeah," the mom agrees.

While this conversation plays out on a TV screen between actors,
officials with DoD's Joint Advertising, Market Research and Studies
program believe it is a conversation that is happening in kitchens
and bedrooms, on ball field sidelines and on couches in living rooms
across America. And it is a conversation they want to encourage.

"There are few things as influential as the parents' advice and
support. That's why we want parents to know the facts [about military
service]," said Air Force Maj. Michele A. Gill with JAMRS.

JAMRS is a small office located in Arlington, Va., not far from the
Pentagon. It places advertising and conducts research for the Defense
Department, which it shares with each military service's recruiting command.

But the program is not a recruiting agency, Gill said, and its
primary focus is on educating those influential in the decisions of
potential recruits. This ad campaign targets the middle-aged parents
of young adults between 17 and 22 years old.

"Our goal … is to educate the families and give them a reliable,
honest look at what the military has to offer, and even some of the
risks that are involved, … just to help them make a wise decision," Gill said.

In fact, Gill said, it is simply the conversation about military
service they are after, not necessarily an endorsement of military
service from the parent. DoD officials want military service to be
considered as an option equally with college or vocational training, she said.

"We want the conversation to happen between the parent and the young
person regardless of whether the young person decides to join the
military or not," Gill said. "Just the fact that they're having the
conversation is 'mission accomplished' for us."

The conversation about military service between parents and teenagers
is a relatively new phenomenon in an era in which parents are now
much more involved in their sons' and daughters' decisions, said Tom
Jump, a managing partner with Mullen Advertising, the agency that
developed the campaign.

"I think the family unit is fundamentally different," Jump said.
"Parents have taken a much more collaborative and integrated role in
raising their children. It's not just the decision of the child or
the parents; it's a family decision.

"They really want to provide a strong foundation and make sure that
their children understand all of their options and possibilities, and
really have open conversation about what are going to be significant
decisions in that child's life," he said.

Also, Gill noted, in past generations it was more common to enlist
because many parents served and children often grew up around veterans.

"There are a lot of parents in today's generation who have not served
in the military, so there could be a lack of information out there
about what the military has to offer," Gill said. "Maybe the only
thing they know about the military is what they see on the movies or
in the news."

Executives at Mullen Advertising have worked with JAMRS for six years
and helped produced a previous campaign that pushed influencers to
"Make it a two-way conversation."

That campaign focused on the decision from the potential recruit's
perspective, while this campaign focuses on the decision from the
influencer's perspective.

Jump called it an evolution of the previous campaign and said that
the agency hopes it models a positive response by the parents. This
campaign promotes the theme, "It's a big decision. Talk about it."

"If you've got somebody who has enlisted and has the support of their
family members, loved ones and friends, they would have a very
positive view going into the service," Jump said. "Our role is to
really educate them and make sure they have all the answers they need
and give them an unbiased view of what those options and opportunities are."

The ads were directed by a company that also has produced Super Bowl
advertisements for the likes of Pepsi and Budweiser. The ads offer
diverse environments and family models, and officials hope to connect
using what they said are real-life situations and the emotions
involved in the discussions.

Each ad directs viewers to the Web site www.todaysmilitary.com for
more information on military service.

"Military service can be a difficult subject to broach. That's why
it's important for parents to know the facts," Gill said. "Joining
the military is a big decision. We want to encourage parents to
really listen to their son or daughter who has talked to them about
serving our country and doing something bigger than themselves."

Gill said that an informed family decision can lead to a more
qualified lead for military recruiters.

"They're sure they want to serve. They know what the risks are. They
know what the benefits are," she said. "It's not just some quick
decision. They've actually thought about the decision. The help of
the parents just reinforces the decision."

Gill joined the Air Force at 17 years old, she said, after talking
about it with her parents starting in about the sixth grade. In her
junior year of high school, her parents starting taking her desire to
serve seriously, Gill said. And, she said, their support was a major
factor in her decision.

"My parents were definitely a part of that decision-making process. I
wanted their support. I wanted their advice," Gill said. "If they
would have highly discouraged it, I probably wouldn't have gone into
the military."

Now raising three small children herself, the career Air Force
officer said she also would want to be a part of their eventual
career decisions.

"I'd definitely want my children to come talk to me," she said. "I
want to be involved in their life. And I would hope that they would
trust me enough to have that conversation with me."

.

Saturday, October 18, 2008

Harvard can and must ban military recruitment

No excuses: Harvard can and must ban military recruitment

http://media.www.hlrecord.org/media/storage/paper609/news/2008/10/16/Opinion/No.Excuses.Harvard.Can.And.Must.Ban.Military.Recruitment-3489896.shtml

University has large enough endowment to stand up to the government
on discrimination

Josh Ruby
Issue date: 10/16/08

Something is rotten in the state of Cambridge this recruiting season.
While 3L's weighed their options and 2L's scurried around campus in
suits, one group, admittedly a fairly small one, never even got a
look from its employer of choice. To the extent that any of Harvard
Law's homosexual community dreamed of serving as a JAG officer in any
of the branches of the armed services, that dream never got past a
OCS-sponsored doorframe. Why did the University exempt the military
from the nondiscrimination policy it requires of all the other
employers who come to campus? Simply put, the University sacrificed
its principles and its dedication to enforcing equal opportunity of
all its students, for a little bit of money. A very little bit of money.

While members of the Law School staged a symbolic protest against
this discrimination, it accomplished nothing; Don't-Ask-Don't-Tell
remains policy, and the Solomon Amendment continues to threaten
universities with the elimination of their federal dollar allowances
if they take a stand against it. And so while we all, like Dean
Kagan, "look forward to the time when all our students can pursue any
career path they desire, including the path-as deeply honorable as
any [we] can imagine-of devoting their professional lives to the
defense of this country," we also all know that that day is not
today. It probably won't be tomorrow either.

Dean Kagan obviously believes what she wrote to the student body on
October 1 about the inequities of outright discrimination in military
recruiting. President Faust and the rest of the University
administration, if asked, no doubt would say the same. But, according
to the official line, the University determined that the law school
could not bar the military recruiters because it would put federal
funds amounting to 15% of the University's operating budget "in
jeopardy," most of it going to other professional schools for
scientific research. Bar the military recruiters, the argument goes,
and you put the poor, defenseless lab techs out of business.

It's not true.

According to alumni development materials, it cost roughly $2.6
billion to operate Harvard University in FY2005. Allowing for a
fantastic rate in the growth of its expenditures, let us assume that
it will cost $3 billion to operate Harvard this fiscal year. Fifteen
percent of $3 billion is $450 million. Therefore, at most, the
University would have about $450 million in federal funding at stake
if it stood up for what it ostensibly believed.

Four-hundred and fifty million dollars sounds like an awful lot. But,
truth be told, to this institution, it's not, not by any means. At
last count, the University endowment stood at $34.6 billion. Out of
$34.6 billion, $450 million represents a paltry 1.3%. In other words,
the administration claims that Congress has tied the University's
hands for a little over 1% of the value of the endowment. In reality,
the specter of lab techs suddenly without the funds to do their work
because Congress pulled the plug won't materialize. The University
could make up the difference without blinking. In fact, if Iowa
Senator Chuck Grassley gets his way and requires universities to
spend 5% of their endowments annually or face losing their tax-exempt
status, the University might even come out ahead in doing so.

Try as it might to cry poverty in the present climate, the claim
simply does not hold. The economics of the past few weeks
notwithstanding, the endowment remains secure. All indications, in
fact, point to it weathering the current turmoil far ahead of the
rest of the market. Our more financially adept colleagues across the
river authored a study only last week which indicated that university
endowments typically outperform all their institutional investor
competitors in bear and bull markets alike. Furthermore, although
outperforming other institutional investors may not suffice in a
rapidly sinking market, the University still gets to rely on the
generosity of its alumni and friends, which shows no signs of abating.

The better objection, of course, calls attention to the imbalance. Is
it worth $450 million to engage in a protest that didn't work before
and might not work again? Some on this campus might argue that
standing up against the last refuge of federally-sanctioned
employment discrimination shouldn't have a price. Others might
counter that, well, yes, of course it shouldn't have a price, but it
does, and whatever it is, it's less than 1.3% of the endowment. Maybe
that objection carried the day in the meeting where they powers that
be made this decision.

But, more importantly, the premise of the objection leads to an
unsettling conclusion. It assumes that Harvard, overflowing with
resources as it is, can't afford to stand up for its principles.

That conclusion should trouble us all. The University possesses a
remarkable brand imbued with reserves of moral credibility paralleled
only by its reserves of money. It therefore represents one of a
handful of American institutions that can, with virtual impunity, act
as part of the nation's conscience. But, at least this time, it chose
not to. Its scholars may ask the hard, probing questions, but the
institution here ducked the moral confrontation and played the game
like a hedge fund rather than as the principled cradle of scholarship
and conscience it portrays in its marketing materials.

Perhaps $450 million is too high a price to pay to follow our
institutional conscience and try to evoke our national conscience.
But if it is, then what should the University do with its unique
position? If not this, then what? If not now, when?
--

Josh Ruby is a 2L

.

"How Does Killing Impact Individual Soldiers?"

"How Does Killing Impact Individual Soldiers?"

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=44279

Enrique Gili interviews CATHERINE RYAN

SAN DIEGO, California, Oct 15 (IPS) - In their latest documentary
"Soldiers of Conscience", husband and wife filmmakers Catherine Ryan
and Gary Weimberg probe the nature of war and the human condition,
asking the question: when is killing in combat permissible?

The film refrains from answering directly, instead offering
clear-eyed accounts of four U.S. soldiers who refused to fight and
the countervailing views of their critics.

The soldiers -- Camilo Mejia, Kevin Benderman, Joshua Casteel and
Aidan Delgado -- share little in common and come from diverse
backgrounds. However, each felt compelled to join the armed forces
out of a sense of duty and patriotism.

When confronted with the realities of serving in Iraq, however, their
attitudes towards military service shifted from idealism to profound
soul-searching, leading each of them to seek status as conscientious
objectors.

Delgado, a Buddhist, finds the random violence inflicted on civilians
to be abhorrent and is unable to use "weapons that roast people".
Casteel, an evangelical Christian, interrogates an imprisoned
jihadist who challenges his religious faith. Both are eventually
granted honourable discharges for their refusal to fight in Iraq.

Mejia and Benderman share harder fates, serving prison sentences
after failing to report for duty. Mejia feels liberated when he's no
longer faced with taking human lives. Benderman asks the question,
"When is enough, enough?"

The film opens with the revelation that an estimated 75 percent of
U.S. soldiers refrained from killing the enemy during World War Two.
So strong was the taboo against taking human lives that the majority
of infantrymen froze under fire with the enemy in their sights.

"Will I be able to kill another human in combat?" is the moral
dilemma facing soldiers serving not just in Iraq but throughout
history. Many seem to be haunted by their decision.

"Will I ever like myself again?" writes one soldier.

IPS correspondent Enrique Gili spoke to Catherine Ryan from her
production studio in Berkeley, California. "Soldiers of Conscience"
airs in the United States on the public television channel PBS on
Thursday, Oct. 16. Excerpts from the interview follow.

IPS: What was the initial motivation for this film?

CR: We make films about social issues. So we wanted to make a film
from a perspective that has not been done over and over again. We
decided we wanted to understand some aspect of the Iraq War. Not from
the viewpoint of generals, presidents and politicians but from the
very intimate experience of individual soldiers.

IPS: How did you find your subjects?

CR: We have subjects that are sincere war fighters and conscientious
objectors. The objectors were pretty easy to find, they've been very
motivated to talk.

We were granted permission. People inside the service know it's
critical. I think there is an openness and willingness among people
that work with and care about soldiers to want to explore this issue.
How does killing impact individual soldiers?

IPS: During the process of making the film, did you ever consider
what it would take for you to kill someone and under what circumstances?

CR: Of course, it's still an ongoing investigation for me. I've come
to understand both sides of the question. I don't know what I would
do under the circumstances. Our hope with this film is to make all of
us ask questions.

IPS: Seeking conscientious objector status is a basic right stemming
as far back as the U.S. colonial era. What are the origins?

CR: That was why people came here. A lot of people that first came
here were pacifists who were fleeing Europe in order not to serve in
the wars of the kingdom. It's an old tradition in this country.

IPS: What are the criteria?

CR: Religious reasons for conscientious objection have the most
clarity. When soldiers start speaking from a humanistic perspective,
[i.e.] war is wrong, they have a much tougher time.

IPS: Do you have any sense of how many are applying now?

CR: The Army is not releasing those numbers. By the end of the
Vietnam War 170,000 had applied. . IPS: Major Peter Kilner, the West
Point Military Academy instructor, spoke with a great deal of clarity
of his own.

CR: We really wanted to find a guy who could speak very well from the
perspective of why we must obey duty in times of war. So that people
could hear the things they already believe and then take in some of
the perspectives of the conscientious objectors, which is not stuff
that we commonly agree upon.

Our hope was that in keeping everybody in the discussion that we
could keep everybody in the discussion -- not to have people turn off
the show because it's either anti-war or pro-military.

IPS: All the conscientious objectors profiled have book deals. Is
that a coincidence?

CR: I think a huge part of it is the process that one has to go
through to become a conscientious objector requires deep reflection
and study. If you're going to try to explain yourself from inside of
the military system, you have to be very good. The process is like an
intensive orals exam -- sitting across from your commander in a room
for three hours, and their job is come up with false points in your
argument. That takes a lot of preparation.

And then their lives as conscientious objectors. You have to be very
clear about what you think and be able talk about it in ways that
people can understand, in order not to be an outcast in the world.

.

Friendly fire in Iraq -- and a coverup

Friendly fire in Iraq -- and a coverup

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2008/10/14/friendly_fire/index.html

The Army says no, but a graphic video and eyewitness testimony
indicate that a U.S. tank killed two American soldiers. The mother of
one soldier demands answers.

Editor's note: Mark Benjamin's friendly fire investigation contains
1) the main article,
http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2008/10/14/friendly_fire/index.html
2) video documentation
http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2008/10/14/friendlyfirevideo/index.html
and 3) the Army's own report on the killing of Nelson and Suarez.
http://www.salon.com/news/primary_sources/2008/10/14/friendly_fire/index.html

By Mark Benjamin

Oct. 14, 2008 | PHILADELPHIA -- Once a cop, always a cop. Asked if
she wanted to see a graphic battle video showing her son Albert
bleeding to death, Jean Feggins, retired from the Philadelphia Police
Department, said yes.

"Listen, I've moved dead bodies of people I don't even know," she
told me, as she sat on a brown couch in the den of her West
Philadelphia row house. "I need to know everything. Because he is not
a stranger. That's my baby. That's my child."

When Pfc. Albert Nelson died in Iraq in 2006, the Army first told
Feggins that he might have been killed by friendly fire, and then
that it was enemy mortars. She says she never believed the Army's
explanation. "I always felt like they were lying to me," she said. "I
could never prove it."

"I would ask the casualty officer what was going on. I'd be told they
are still working on the report," she said. "They were still doing
their investigation. What could I do? It's the U.S. military. I had
no control."

She did not know that there was a video of his death until I
contacted her recently. Salon has obtained evidence -- including a
graphic, 52-and-a-half minute video -- suggesting that friendly fire
from an American tank killed two U.S. soldiers in Ramadi, Iraq, in
late 2006, and that the Army ignored the video and other persuasive
data in order to rule that the deaths were due to enemy action.
Feggins watched the video with me in her den.

Shot from the perspective of the soldiers taking fire from what they
clearly believe is an American tank, the footage shows how Pfc.
Albert Nelson and Pfc. Roger Suarez-Gonzalez died. It also records
soldiers trying to save Nelson's life, and the sound of a platoon
sergeant attempting to report over a radio that the casualties were
due to friendly fire. He then seems to be overruled by a superior
officer who insists it was an enemy mortar attack. Troops from
Nelson's unit interviewed by Salon, including three soldiers there
that day, blamed friendly fire from a U.S. tank for the deaths. "A
tank shot us," said a soldier. "That is what happened."

An Army investigation, however, found the deaths were caused by enemy
fire. Soldiers from Nelson and Suarez's platoon, based at Fort
Carson, Colo., described what they felt was pressure from above to
accept this official story despite evidence to the contrary --
including the video, which has circulated widely. Jean Feggins, after
watching the video, said it was more evidence that the Army had
misled her about the circumstances of her son's death. The Army told
Feggins that her son had died instantly, while the video shows a
painfully protracted attempt to get Nelson to a field hospital before
he bled to death.

In a statement to Salon, Army spokesman Paul Boyce reiterated the
Army's conclusion that Nelson and Suarez were killed by enemy action.
But the incident at Ramadi in December 2006 raises questions about
how the U.S. military investigates alleged friendly fire incidents --
for which there are no reliable statistics -- and how it communicates
its findings to the loved ones of the deceased. "I think [friendly
fire] happens a lot," said Mary Tillman, mother of football
player-turned-Army Ranger Pat Tillman. His death in Afghanistan in
2004 was first reported to be due to enemy action; it was later
revealed he had been killed by members of his own unit. "[But t]he
military is not addressing why these friendly fire situations take
place," she said, "because they lie about it and get away with it so
frequently."

Jean Feggins wants nothing less than the whole truth about what
killed her son. "I'm not going to have any closure until I know
exactly what happened to him," she said. "I don't care how gruesome it is.

"Tell me the truth. I can handle it."
- - - - - - - - - - - -

The only reason there is a video of what happened in Ramadi is
because Sgt. 1st Class Jack Robison, who was there that day, wanted
to record a firefight. The video, which is all from the point of view
of Robison's helmet camera, begins immediately before the shell's
impact. It records the explosion, the effort to help the wounded --
in bloody detail -- and long patches of conversation in which the
soldiers present describe how they were shot by an American tank.

As of Dec. 4, 2006, many of the U.S. Army soldiers fighting alongside
Albert Nelson and Roger Suarez were well into 15-month tours of duty
in Iraq. The troops were moving house to house through Ramadi, a city
of half a million that hugs the shore of the Euphrates River 70 miles
west of Baghdad, battling Sunni insurgents, taking casualties,
delivering many score more. The men of 2nd Platoon, D Company, 1st
Battalion, 9th Infantry, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 2nd Infantry
Division were fighting in one of the bloodiest areas of Iraq during
one of the bloodiest stints of the war. December 2006 was a month
before Bush announced the surge, and before 30,000 additional U.S.
troops were sent to Iraq to quell the violence.

On the 4th, the fighting was so fierce that some of the Americans had
dropped grenades off roofs right onto the heads of insurgents, and
fired their machine guns till the barrels almost melted. As one of
the men said recently, "I probably killed eight guys at least."

Second Platoon was encamped in a battered white two-story
ferro-concrete building, with a gray-dirt courtyard and an attached
cinder-block latrine building, not far from the south bank of the
Euphrates. On the night of Dec. 3, they had slept at their weapons
posts on the speckled marble floors. They'd stolen blankets from
evacuated Iraqi houses to keep warm in the cold desert night,
throwing money onto the empty beds in payment.

On the roof of "building #2," as it was known in U.S. Army battle
plans for the day, stood Nelson, Suarez, seven other U.S. soldiers
and an unknown number of Iraqi army troops. Nelson, Suarez and a
soldier named Hobson had taken up a position on the northwest corner
of the roof, while the other Iraqi and American soldiers had taken up
positions a little further south along the western wall of the roof.
Below and just in front of them, at ground level on the west side of
the building, was the courtyard. Another group of soldiers, including
the platoon sergeant, Sgt. 1st Class Jack Robison, was holed up next
to the little cinder-block latrine building that hugged building #2
in the courtyard's southeast corner.

Five hundred yards to the west was another cluster of Americans, 1st
Platoon, broken into three squads, along with several tanks.
Sandwiched between 2nd Platoon's position in building #2 and 1st
Platoon's position to the west was a pocket of Iraqi insurgents. Due
north of building #2, across the Euphrates on the north bank, was
another clutch of Iraqis, firing mortars at the Americans.

From the northwest corner of the roof, Nelson and Suarez were
shooting at the insurgents to the west, Nelson with his SAW (squad
automatic weapon, a light machine gun), Suarez with an M240 machine
gun. Hobson was standing slightly behind them and facing north,
firing at the Iraqi mortar team across the river.

Albert Nelson, from West Philadelphia, was the class clown, a popular
big brother figure to the other soldiers. At 31, he was years older
than the other privates. Though his mother, Jean, was a Philly cop,
he'd been unable to make the force himself because of too many unpaid
parking tickets. He'd worked as a security guard before enlisting in
the Army, thinking he'd have an easier time becoming a cop with a
military background.

If Nelson was the guy telling the jokes, 22-year-old Roger Suarez was
the guy who didn't always get them, because his English wasn't that
good. A native of Nicaragua who had lived in Florida before
enlisting, he struggled to pick up on the frat boy humor the other
soldiers shared.

On the ground-floor level, in the courtyard just outside the latrine
building, the man in charge of 2nd Platoon, Sgt. Robison, a
35-year-old from Oklahoma, put on a helmet camera. The cameras are
normally used by medics to record, in grisly high-def, how they deal
with battlefield injuries. The footage that results is used to train
other medics.

"Sergeant Rob," as the troops called him, had just arrived in Iraq
and had never been in a battle before, and wanted to record the day's
action. After he strapped the camera on his helmet, he expressed
regret. "I probably missed all that cool footage," said Rob. "Of us
fucking just nailing that fucking house," said another soldier,
finishing his sentence.

A soldier beckoned Rob. He led Rob from the courtyard and into the
latrine building and over to a dirty, translucent window on the south
end of the structure. "Check that fucking shit," he told Rob. "See the tank?"

"No. Where?" asked Rob. "Right up the street that way," said the
soldier, pointing west. "Stand up right here."

But Rob still couldn't see the tank clearly, so a soldier knocked the
panes from the window. "There's a huge tank right there." They craned
their necks for a glimpse of the tank, which was nearly due west and
situated at an extreme angle from the latrine building. Now Rob saw
it. "Oh yeah. Fucking that shit up, huh?" The tank was one of several
from 2nd Platoon, Charlie Company, 2nd Battalion, 37th Armored
Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, part of the 1st Armored Division
and attached to the infantry that day.

At that moment, the tanks to the west started pounding a nearby
structure where insurgents were holed up. Some of the soldiers in
building #2 had a clear view as one of the tanks fired a 120 shell
into the position. A cheer went up.

Then some of the soldiers in building #2 noticed something ominous. A
tank's turret had turned their way. The Americans and Iraqis watched
the muzzle flash. Almost instantly, the house shook from the impact
of an explosion.

Sergeant Rob and the other soldiers in the latrine building were
thrown to the ground. The troops began shouting. " Everyone all
right?" "Jesus fucking Christ!" "What the fuck was that?" Rob, who
had also seen the muzzle flash, answered, "Dude, that was the tank."
"Is he shooting at us?" asked a soldier. "I think so," said Rob.

Everyone in the latrine building was safe and sound. The roof of
building #2, however, had taken a direct hit on the northwest corner,
right where Suarez, Nelson and Hobson had been stationed, the shell
spraying debris through the crowd.

After the shell hit, those men on the roof who could still walk
bounded toward the staircase at the northeast corner, shoving each
other forward and down the stairs, at least one fleeing so quickly
that he committed the cardinal sin of leaving his gun behind. The men
regrouped on the second floor. Meanwhile the tank's M240 coaxial
machine gun, mounted next to the turret, began firing into building
#2. Instinctively, one of the soldiers who had fled to the second
floor started firing back at the tank.

Rob began directing the effort to get the shooting to stop. " Make
sure that tank knows where we're at!" he yelled into the radio,
trying to reach the lieutenant in charge of the platoon, one of the
refugees from the roof who was now on the second floor. "I think the
tank fired at us." "Yeah, it just took out the fucking roof,"
marveled a soldier. "Who did?" demanded another. "That tank," replied
the soldier. "I saw him fucking hit it."

"Somebody call that tank," Rob yelled. "Make sure it knows where we're at."

The troops began to shout "Cease fire! Cease fire!" at the soldier on
the second floor who was shooting at the tank. Sergeant Rob ordered a
soldier in the latrine building to attract the attention of the tank
by firing a white star cluster, a flare that is used to notify U.S.
troops that they are firing on their own men. The soldier crept along
the floor as the bullets kept coming, and handed the flare to another
man, who shot it out the door. Within seconds, the firing had stopped.

"Dude," said Rob, "I'm almost positive that was that tank, because I
saw him flash." The soldier pointed out the door. "Did you see the roof?

"I know, I see it."

Then Rob and the others heard the shouting from above. "We got men
hurt, upstairs!"

After a quick head count on the second floor, the men had realized
that several soldiers were missing. Sgt. Jacobson sped back up the
stairs and saw Nelson unconscious, blood pouring from the stump of
his left leg. The shell had taken it off above the knee.

Robison bounded out into the courtyard and into building #2. He
waited as a wounded Iraqi was brought down the stairs, and then ran
up the staircase to the top floor. When he arrived, Nelson had
already been dragged down from the roof. He lay on the floor in his
desert fatigue pants, with his shirt unbuttoned and open. A medic was
tying a tourniquet to what remained of the unconscious soldier's leg.
Nelson was also bleeding from the head.

"Who else is up, who else is hurt?" demanded Rob. "Nobody's up
there," answered a soldier. "Hobson's fucked up!" answered another.

"Tourniquet's on," proclaimed one of the soldiers working over
Nelson, and then a U.S. jet screamed overhead. Everybody hit the
deck, anticipating the possibility of more friendly fire, this time
from the air.

Rob and the others began the task of evacuating Nelson, using the
radio to call for medical evacuation, while other troops tried to
encourage the wounded man, who was now moaning in pain. "Stay with
me, Nelson!" "Don't you die on me, Nelson!" "Don't die, buddy!"
Nelson's friends were demanding a chopper, a "bird," but the
lieutenant on scene called for a medical evacuation APC, "Dog 5,"
which was positioned not far from the tank that had fired the shell,
to pick up his wounded. He sent a soldier to look for Nelson's missing leg.

Hobson had taken a chunk of the building to the face, as had one of
the Iraqis. Hobson had also been sprayed with the blood and body
parts of someone else. "Cool scars, cool scars," said Rob, trying to
comfort Hobson. The impact of the explosion had dislocated the arm of
another soldier named Meeker who had been standing just south of
Nelson. The medic popped it back in. It was only after Nelson had
been carried downstairs on a litter, moaning, "Oh God," and babbling
from loss of blood, that anyone noticed Suarez was missing.

"I can't find Suarez," said one of the troopers. "Where was he?"
asked Rob. "He was up on the roof," answered the soldier.

Rob began to search the compound and count his men. Three minutes
into the search, a soldier gave him the news. "Sergeant Rob, I found Suarez."

"Out back?" guessed Rob.

"He's ... gone," confirmed the soldier. He'd found what remained of
Suarez in the back yard. Suarez had taken a direct hit. The tank
round had destroyed everything except his head and torso, which had
been blown off the roof into the yard to the east of the building.

"Fuck. All right. All right," muttered Rob, and then, all business,
returned to the task of getting medical attention for his wounded.
"Where's the one one three?" he asked, using a military term for the
APC that was supposed to evacuate the wounded.

Rob was informed that the medevac unit, Dog 5, had been and gone.
Apparently misunderstanding a report that Suarez was dead to mean
there were no more casualties to evacuate, the APC had driven away empty.

After threatening to hijack an Iraqi humvee, Rob was able to get
Nelson and Hobson into the American vehicle, which had finally
returned, and on their way to medical attention. Nearly a half-hour
after the incident, he was still trying to collect and feed the
proper information to headquarters via radio, and get them to
understand just who had been hurt and who had died. His men, milling
around in the darkness of the building's ground floor, were still
comparing notes and grousing about the friendly fire.

" Them tankers got an ass whooping coming from hell," said one. "I
swear to fucking God I'm beating some ass. That was uncalled for."

"Hey. Live in the now," cautioned Rob, taking a break from radio
chatter. "Where it's good."

"Meeker said he saw when the bitch came in on him," protested a
soldier. "He saw the bitch come in on him."

"I saw it too," agreed Rob.

"I'm just pissed," said the soldier. "I know," said Rob.

"The reason why I was pissed is because he saw that round, from the
tank. That was not an Iraqi."

"I saw it too," repeated Rob. "It was a tank."

"And I was right next to him," said a soldier who'd been on the roof.

"It was a tank, it was a tank," repeated Rob, agreeing with his angry
men, trying to get them to calm down.

"We know it was a tank. They got an ass whooping coming. That's all I
got to say."

Rob decided to deliver the message to higher-ups. "I want it
understood," he said into the radio to Dog-6, the handle used by the
company commander, Capt. James Enos. "That was one of our tanks."

As Rob listened to what his superiors were telling him, the men on
the ground floor started to catch the drift. Rob said, "Good, copy,"
but before he could say anything to the soldiers around him, one of
them had blurted, "That's bullshit!"

"You're going to have to walk with me," said Rob.

"That's fucking bullshit," insisted the soldier.

The Army was telling Rob that the men on the roof, Hobson, Meeker,
Nelson, Suarez and the Iraqis, had been hit by enemy fire, not a tank round.

"It is a tank," insisted a soldier who'd been on the roof. "I was up
there. I know." "OK," said Rob. "Doesn't matter. Doesn't matter. None
of it matters. OK? Doesn't matter.

"Yeah, it matters," protested another soldier.

"Doesn't matter," insisted Rob.

"It matters to me," said the soldier.

"They're saying we got hit with a 120," said another soldier, telling
the men in the room what the official story would be. Rob addressed
the men, confirming their suspicions. "It was a 120 mortar, OK? Got
it? You fucking got it? It was a 120 mortar."

"Don't even worry about it, OK? Until we hear different it was a 120-
millimeter mortar. I don't think it was. But for now, that's the way
it is, and that's what happened, got it?"

About 50 minutes after the explosion on the roof, one of Sergeant
Rob's men told him, "Your camera's still on." Startled, Robison
responded, "Yeah. Turn that bitch off."

By that time, Nelson was dead. He had lost too much blood during the
confused and protracted effort to evacuate him. He died inside the
medevac vehicle at the gates of the military hospital.
- - - - - - - - - - - -

Within hours of the chaos at building #2, Capt. Enos "suspected a
friendly fire incident," as an Army report would later put it. He
visited building #2, and saw the remnants of a tank round in the
structure. And he viewed the footage from Robison's camera.

The video does not show the tank firing, or the shell hitting the
building. It does record the sound of the shell's impact and show the
latrine building shaking, and it documents the subsequent machine-gun
fire, the soldiers yelling, "Cease fire!" and Robison's apparently
successful attempt to quell the friendly fire by ordering the
detonation of a white star cluster.

It also shows Robison rushing into building #2 and up the stairs to
find Nelson bleeding from the stump of his leg, attended by a medic
applying a tourniquet. It records his frustrating attempts to get
Nelson evacuated, and also his search for Suarez.

Most important, it records Robison's soldiers insisting to him that
Nelson, Suarez and the others on the roof were hit by a tank shell.
More than one soldier who was on the roof can be heard telling
Robison that they saw the tank fire. In the footage, Robison supports
their impression, saying he too saw the muzzle flash, but then backs
down when a voice on the other end of the radio -- his superior
officer, Capt. Enos -- tells him the men were hit with an Iraqi
mortar. He clearly imparts to the troops that life will be easier for
all concerned if they get with the official story, whatever they may
have witnessed firsthand.

By the evening of the next day, 24 hours after Enos' visit, the Army
had initiated an official investigation into whether the deaths of
Nelson and Suarez were the result of friendly fire. The investigation
was handled under the auspices of the commander of the tank brigade
that fired the shell, Col. Sean MacFarland.

There are a variety of flavors of Army investigations; they differ by
degree of formality. In this case, the Army chose what is called a
15-6 investigation, an informal review typically carried out by a
single officer investigating soldiers in his own unit who reports his
results to the unit commander.

Salon obtained a copy of the investigation through the Freedom of
Information Act. An Army major carried out the 15-6 and reported his
results to MacFarland. The major's name is redacted in the copy sent to Salon.

According to the major's investigation delivered to MacFarland,
shrapnel from a 120-millimeter U.S. tank round was found in building
#2 after the incident. But during the investigation, a captain (name
redacted) had "verbally stated" that the same tank unit had returned
to the scene the next day, Dec. 5, and allegedly fired 120-millimeter
tank rounds into an unoccupied building to the southwest of building
#2. The major determined that the fragments must have been from the
Dec. 5 shots, somehow landing in building #2, and not from activity
on Dec. 4. (I interviewed three soldiers who claimed to have been in
that area on Dec. 5. None recall any tank fire that day).

The investigation also found bullets in building #2 of the same
caliber used in the M240 coaxial gun mounted next to the main turret
of the tank. These bullets, the investigation found, probably came
from a Heckler & Koch G3 assault rifle fired by insurgents. The
Heckler & Koch G3 is a German assault rifle commonly used by European
and Eastern European armies that fires the same round as the M240
coaxial gun. While not a favorite in Iraq, insurgents have used some
G3 assault rifles. Fragments from one 120-millimeter mortar were also
in the building.

MacFarland signed off on the findings and attached his own memo,
dated Dec. 20, 2006. (Both the investigation and MacFarland's memo
can be seen here.) He noted that the soldiers of 2nd Platoon "fought
well, demonstrating leadership and stamina in this long and complex
firefight." MacFarland wrote that the video was "only one piece of
evidence to consider, taken from the perspective of the soldiers
located in building #2." But he added that by "analyzing shrapnel
found at the location, uniform scraps, impact point analysis and
audio analysis of the video, it is clear that fratricide was not the
cause of death." He added that "complete friendly force situational
awareness will continue to be emphasized prior to every mission."

"Soldiers inside building #2 believed that the tank located to the
west was firing on their position," MacFarland wrote. "When in
actuality, it was enemy fire from a mortar position northwest of the
Euphrates River." After examining the evidence for several weeks, the
investigation had arrived at the same explanation -- enemy mortar
fire -- that Capt. Enos had apparently suggested to Robison over the
radio within minutes of the incident.

On Dec. 15, 2006, before the report's completion, the Department of
Defense announced Nelson and Suarez's deaths. "The Department of
Defense announced today the death of two soldiers who were supporting
Operation Iraqi Freedom," the Pentagon said in a statement. "They
died December 4, 2006, in Ar Ramadi, Iraq, of injuries suffered from
small arms fire while conducting security and observation
operations." The Army posthumously awarded Nelson and Suarez the
Purple Heart and the Bronze Star.

Then the effort began to get the soldiers of 2nd Platoon on message.
- - - - - - - - - - - -

On Dec. 16, Lt. Col. Chuck Ferry e-mailed family members of some of
the soldiers in the battalion. In part, his e-mail warned that
soldiers who talked about casualties out of turn might be prosecuted.
"I want to remind everyone that it is a violation of operation
security to discuss specific operations or casualties until after
official notification has been made," he wrote. "Soldiers who violate
this are subject to punishment under the Uniform Code of Military
Justice. Initial casualty information is often times incorrect and
passing this information outside official channels often makes things
worse for our families."

Several weeks later, after Christmas, battalion leaders assembled the
soldiers from 2nd Platoon at Camp Corregidor in Ramadi for a briefing
on the deaths of Suarez and Nelson. By that time, the troops knew
that there was video of the incident. They had also heard untrue
rumors -- the source of which remains unclear -- that the families of
the men would not receive benefits if their deaths were found to be
the result of friendly fire.

At the meeting, Lt. Col. Ferry and Command Sgt. Maj. Dennis Bergmann
told the troops that enemy mortars killed their comrades. Soldiers
interviewed by Salon confirmed that there was an enemy mortar
position, but said that the tank shot building #2. According to one
soldier who was present in building #2 during the firefight on Dec. 4
and who attended the briefing at Camp Corregidor, the message of the
briefing and of Ferry's e-mail was clear. "It is fucking plain as day
that the tank shot at the building I was in and killed two of my
friends," the soldier said. "And then we were all asked to lie about it."

"The colonel and sergeant major were not all bad," added another
soldier from the company who fought near the tanks. "But they did
cover some shit up."

Since 2006, some of the soldiers involved have left the military.
Others are back at Fort Carson in Colorado. The footage has
circulated widely among soldiers who are stationed or have been
stationed at Fort Carson, and beyond.

The video is also supported by firsthand accounts from troops who
were on the scene and agreed, nearly two years after the incident, to
talk to Salon if their names were not used. They requested anonymity
because they feared retribution from the Army. I have spoken to
soldiers who were in three different vantage points inside and
outside building #2.

"Immediately after the round hit, we were hit with coax," a soldier
who was in building #2 explained about what he said was machine gun
fire from the tank's coaxial gun that followed the tank shell. "There
is no other way to explain that," he said as he watched the video
with me. "Nothing else sounds like that."

Another soldier in the same company who was not in building #2
witnessed the event from a different perspective, sitting in a line
of vehicles directly behind the tank as the turret pointed at
building #2. "I was behind the tank that shot the house," he told me.
"I saw the tank fire. The way it was oriented, it was pointed in that
direction."

Outside experts also confirmed that the deaths of Suarez and Nelson
fit the pattern of a friendly fire incident. Three separate Army
combat veterans reviewed the video and other Army documents from the
incident obtained by Salon. All said they believed the tape showed a
friendly fire incident involving a tank. "I believe the blast-injury
deaths of Army Pfc. Suarez and Pfc. Nelson and the wounding of Iraqi
soldiers appear to be caused by friendly fire -- a U.S. tank round
fired at a building occupied by U.S. and Iraqi forces," said Paul
Sullivan, a former Army cavalry scout who once received friendly fire
during the first Gulf War.

Sullivan, who is also executive director of Veterans for Common
Sense, said the sound of the incoming rounds fit the pattern of a
textbook tank attack against infantry. He and the other veterans also
noted that the incoming fire stops after the cease-fire is called and
Robison's men shoot the white star cluster, warning of a friendly
fire incident. Those veterans also said the soldiers that appear on
video do not react like troops under enemy attack: They do not call
for reinforcements, retreat or mount a counterattack.

"It was a friendly fire incident," a soldier from building #2 said,
explaining why the soldiers on the tape don't act like soldiers
taking enemy fire. "That is why we did not continue to do what we
would normally do, because a tank fired on us."

The combat veterans said a coverup would be unfortunate. In addition
to the corrosive nature of lying in the military, friendly fire
incidents are supposed to be meticulously studied in order to prevent
future, similar events. A coverup would preclude further study,
potentially placing other soldiers at risk in the future.

Soldiers from Nelson and Suarez' company have not tried to share the
video with the families of the deceased. Some said, however, that
they were troubled that the families might not know the true
circumstances surrounding their sons' deaths.

Families are often lost when it comes to how to deal with a suspected
friendly fire incident. Statistics are elusive and unreliable. The
most detailed personnel spreadsheets available from the Department of
Defense break down casualties in the so-called war on terror into 32
separate categories by cause, but do not mention fratricide. Mary
Tillman, mother of friendly fire casualty Pat, said she receives a
steady drumbeat of unsolicited inquiries, often via e-mail through
the Pat Tillman Foundation, from families who suspect friendly fire
may be to blame for the death of a loved one. Often, the families are
angry and desperate for more information from the Army after hearing
stories from fellow soldiers that conflict with the official Army
narrative in a particular death. "I hear lots of stories," she told me.

Tillman said she encourages the families to push the military hard
for more answers and use whatever leverage is available to pry loose
data, including the media. She said it is a painful process when
families receive incomplete or conflicting information in dribs and
drabs. "Your son dies many times when you get many stories," she said.

Both Roger Suarez's family and Albert Nelson's family apparently had
questions about the way their sons died, and made an effort to get
additional information from the military. Pfc. Suarez's family is
from Nicaragua, where he was buried. A Salon staff member fluent in
Spanish worked to locate the family there but was unsuccessful. Salon
succeeded in contacting Albert Nelson's family.
- - - - - - - - - - - -

The sky blue government sedan had been waiting.

Jean Feggins had been out all day and was walking up toward the front
door of her home on Dec. 5, 2006, when two men in Army uniforms
stepped out of the sedan parked at the curb, and followed her up to
the front steps.

"Are you Jean Feggins?" one of the uniformed men asked.

"Are you here about my son?" she responded.

"Yes, ma'am," one of the soldiers said, nervously folding his beret
in his hands. "But we would rather talk to you about that inside."

The three went up the front steps, stepped inside the front door and
turned left into a small den.

"We think you should sit down," one of the men said, gesturing to a
brown sofa. "The United States Army regrets to inform you that your
son, Albert Markee Nelson, has been killed in Iraq."

Nelson, whom his mother had always called Mark, had not even told his
mother he was in Iraq. She thought he was still training at Fort
Carson. He had only been in Iraq six weeks when he died. "Maybe he
didn't want me to worry," Feggins said nearly two years after the
casualty officers' visit, sitting on that same brown sofa.

Feggins is 53. She is taut and thin and looks too young to have six
kids, five boys and a girl. Thirty-one at the time of his death, Pfc.
Nelson was the oldest.

Feggins still regularly refers to Nelson as "my baby." He was
good-looking, popular with the ladies, a natural jokester. In a
scrapbook, he's hamming it up for the camera, striking a pose on some
desert hill in Iraq, camels loping behind him. Feggins says that if
they ever make a movie about 2nd Platoon, Will Smith should play
Nelson's role. "They just seem so much alike," she told me.

"The casualty officer, the first day that I saw him, said, 'There is
a possibility that your son was killed by friendly fire,'" she
remembered. "But there was no proof yet. There was no report yet."

On Dec. 15, 2006, the Department of Defense announced that Nelson had
been killed by small arms fire from the enemy.

But then Feggins heard almost nothing further. She received the death
certificate, which listed the cause of death as "homicide."

The Army told her the incident was under investigation. Weeks passed.
Then months. By the following spring, Feggins still hadn't received
any more information on her son's death.

It didn't feel right to Feggins. "Every night I was crying myself to
sleep because I kept saying to myself, 'Something is wrong. I don't
know what's wrong, but something is wrong,'" she remembered. "And [I
wasn't] going to be able to relax or be comfortable or have closure,
as they say, until I found out what [was] going on."

She requested an autopsy report. She began writing letters and
e-mails asking for answers. She wrote Nelson's chain of command. She
wrote the president. "I know in my heart that the Army is lying about
the circumstances surrounding his death," Feggins wrote in a Feb. 2,
2007, letter to the battalion commander, Lt. Col. Chuck Ferry, that
she shared with me.

One day the phone rang. An officer was going to brief her on the
death of her son.

She had a meeting with an officer, whose name she still cannot
recall. He had a laptop and a PowerPoint presentation showing that
shrapnel from an enemy mortar had killed her son.

"He said to me, 'I know as a mother you are concerned about whether
or not your son suffered. But I am here to tell you that your son
didn't suffer,'" she recalled. "He said, 'He was killed instantly. He
was killed so fast that he didn't have time to feel pain, and he
never knew what hit him,'" she remembered. "He said, 'Also, when we
found him on the roof, he was still in his position, holding his weapon.'"

"He just straight lied right in my face," she said after watching the
video that showed her son suffering for 25 minutes. "And he did it
with a straight face. I have a problem with that," she added. "I
understand friendly fire because I'm a police officer. I had friends
who were killed in friendly fire ... I don't like liars and I cannot
deal with lies."

"These are the people that are in control of our safety and these are
the people that the country is supposed to trust," she said angrily.
"How are you going to trust somebody who can sit there and lie like
that? They need to have more accountability," she added. "It is so
important to tell this story."

And then, through tears, Feggins offered words of comfort to the
surviving men of 2nd Platoon. Informed that some are haunted by what
they insist was a friendly fire incident, followed by a coverup that
includes hiding the truth from the families of the dead, she asked
them not to feel guilty.\

"For the soldiers that served with him, I just want you guys to know
you are all my heroes, and I'm sorry that you had to go through that
because I know what kind of friends Mark attracts and I know that it
hurts you deeply, especially being told that you couldn't tell the
truth about it," she said through tears. "So now you are feeling some
type of weight. But it's not your fault. You had to do what you had to do."
- - - - - - - - - - - -

In an effort to get the Army to respond to questions about the
incident and the subsequent investigation, I contacted the Army and
Fort Carson public affairs officials via telephone and e-mail in late
September requesting interviews.

I sought to speak to leaders of the tank and infantry units involved
in investigating the deaths of Nelson and Suarez. The interview
requests stated that Salon had obtained "evidence suggesting that the
two men were, in fact, killed by friendly fire."

The Army demanded details on this evidence prior to granting any
interviews. "Sir, I'm going to need some idea as to the nature of
this new, solid reporting before we can start the interview," Paul
Boyce, an Army spokesman, wrote in a Sept. 25 e-mail. "I'm sure that
with such solid journalist efforts you wouldn't mind at least saying
specifically what has brought on such confidence." I offered to
detail the evidence during any interviews -- but not before.

Efforts to contact some of the officers directly produced similar
results. "I'd like to know in advance what you think you have
discovered," Col. Sean MacFarland, the tank brigade commander who
signed off on the Army's investigation, wrote in a Sept. 26 e-mail.
"If it is new, I will make time to talk to you. Otherwise, I would
not want to waste either of our valuable time." In a second e-mail,
MacFarland said that "the supporting evidence" behind the Army's
investigation further proved that a tank did not kill Nelson and
Suarez -- but that evidence could not be produced because it was
classified. He did not consent to an interview.

The infantry battalion commander, Lt. Col. Chuck Ferry, was curt.
"Don't know who you are and I am not familiar with your
organization," he wrote on Sept. 30 in response to an interview
request. "Sounds like you have already made up your mind about your
story. Why should I talk to you?"

Ultimately Boyce, the Army spokesman, forwarded a written statement
that didn't diverge from the findings of the Army's 2006
investigation. He reiterated the report's finding that two mortars
landing simultaneously killed Nelson and Suarez. Boyce wrote,
"Shrapnel, uniform scraps, impact-point analysis and audio analysis
of the Soldier's video clearly show fratricide did not occur during
the attack."

.