Tuesday, September 30, 2008

Go to War, Get Traumatized, Get the Boot

Go to War, Get Traumatized, Get the Boot

http://www.seattleweekly.com/2008-09-24/news/go-to-war-get-traumatized-get-the-boot/

Like many Iraq combat vets, Mark Siegel had trouble coping back home.
So the Army kicked him out.

By Nina Shapiro
Published on September 24, 2008

Private First Class Mark Siegel set out on his first patrol in Iraq
with a bad feeling in the air. The Army road on which he and fellow
soldiers in the Fort Lewis–based 4th Stryker Brigade were traveling
had two known hot spots for Improvised Explosive Devices. Others on
the team had patrolled the road many times before without incident,
but they couldn't help worrying that their luck was running out.

Their convoy of four eight-wheel-drive combat vehicles, called
strykers, drove through the forestlands of the north, a topography
different from the desert that covers much of Iraq. With Siegel
riding in the rear of the lead stryker, making sure nobody approached
from behind, they warily passed the first IED hot spot. Nothing. As
they approached the second, they paused. "We moved forward about an
inch and boom," Siegel recalls. As the IED hit, he closed his eyes.
"When I opened them, it was all smoky. I looked around and saw fire.
I remember hearing someone scream, 'Climb out through the air guard
hatch.'" That's the opening at the top of the stryker.

He did and took a breath, reassuring himself that he was alive. The
team leader was not so lucky. Siegel had caught a glimpse of him
engulfed by flames in the stryker, "burning like a candle." Siegel
says he himself suffered a concussion, smoke-inhalation burns, and
other injuries. He was eventually diagnosed with post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) as well, he says.

Shortly after the incident, the Army transported him back to Fort
Lewis, where on May 28 he became one of approximately 20,000 Iraq War
veterans so far to receive a Purple Heart.

Less than a month later, Siegel was escorted off the same Army base
and instructed to sign a document stipulating that he could not
return. He had been kicked out­or in military parlance,
"administratively separated"­due to a urinalysis that revealed the
presence of cocaine. As a result, he lost a host of benefits he might
have otherwise received, including military-provided health care,
disability pay, and eligibility for the GI Bill.

Siegel is one of numerous combat veterans being penalized after
turning to drugs and alcohol or acting out in other ways. The Army
and Navy discharged 3,300 people for drug use alone in the 2007
fiscal year (which ended September 2007) . (The two military branches
did not supply figures for how many of those people had served in
Iraq or Afghanistan.) Fort Lewis released nearly 200 soldiers for
drug use in the first 10 months of the 2008 fiscal year­almost twice
the number that it did in 2003, the year the Iraq War began.

The military's approach troubles many people inside and outside the
Armed Forces. They maintain that soldiers who are having trouble
coping with their wartime experiences­often because of medical
conditions like PTSD and traumatic brain injury­are being disciplined
rather than helped.

"Nobody's saying [substance-abusing soldiers] should stay in," says
Bart Stichman, co-director of the Washington, D.C.–based National
Veterans Legal Services Program, which recently started an initiative
to aid combat veterans facing misconduct discharges. "The question
is: What kind of benefits should they have?" Stichman and others
assert that the military should ensure that physically and mentally
damaged soldiers are set up with medical care and other assistance.

"If you've honorably served in the war, then we owe you the
assistance you need when you come home," adds Steve Robinson, a
longtime veterans' activist who currently works for a Colorado-based
organization called ONE Freedom that provides training on
post-deployment adjustment.

Colby Vokey, a retired lieutenant colonel who until recently
supervised the Marine Corps' defense attorneys (kind of like public
defenders in the civilian world) along the West Coast, puts it this
way: "We send the soldier to Iraq. We break him. We have an
obligation, at least, to fix him."

Siegel grew up in New York City. He wrote short stories and poetry
and learned to play the flute, saxophone, trumpet, and guitar, among
other instruments. After high school, he got a degree in computer
networking and security from a vocational school. He then bounced
around various tech-support jobs and had a falling-out with his
parents. "I wasn't doing anything with my life," he says.

So at 22 he joined the Army. "It felt like I was getting my life back
on track," he says.

He made a good impression upon arriving in Iraq in October 2007.
"When Mark first got there, he was a good soldier," recalls
Shenandoah Reynolds, a 30-year-old sergeant in the 4th Brigade who
served alongside Siegel both in Iraq and at Fort Lewis. "He was
gung-ho. He did everything right. He showed the proper respect and
acted accordingly."

A month later came the stryker explosion. Siegel says he struggled
over the next couple of months as he continued his Iraq deployment.
"Because I had banged up my knee, it was hard for me to keep up with
my duties," he recalls. Plus he was obsessed with the notion that he
was going to die. In January the Army transported him for medical
care to Landstuhl, Germany, where he was judged sick enough to send
home. Back at Fort Lewis, he says he received a diagnosis of TBI and
PTSD. (Fort Lewis spokesperson Joseph Piek says he cannot discuss
Siegel's medical information for privacy reasons. He did confirm the
stryker incident, Siegel's Purple Heart, and details of his military
service in Iraq, which Piek described as "honorable.")

Siegel saw a therapist on base once a week, but was still deeply
troubled. "My entire body was convulsing and shaking almost daily,"
he says. And he says he couldn't sleep. Not at all.

By the time he went home to New York on a two-week leave in March, he
was exhausted. Finally he fell asleep. "But every time I closed my
eyes, the blast kept replaying in my head," he says. He had visions
of the enflamed stryker and the team leader he watched burn.

"I'd fall asleep and five minutes later I'd wake up. So I started
drinking to see if I could black out without having any dreams. It
didn't work out that well. I wasn't able to get drunk. So I figured,
hey, if I'm not sleeping, I might as well stay awake." That was
another way of avoiding the dreams, he figured.

He turned to an old bad habit: cocaine. He says he had used the drug
before joining the Army, but had been clean for a year and a half.
The day he got back to Fort Lewis he had a urinalysis, which came up positive.

"I understand that I fucked up," he said a month later by phone. "I
got an Article 15 for it, that I have no problem with." An Article 15
refers to an Army regulation that allows commanders to discipline
soldiers without a court-martial. Siegel was booted down from a
private first class to a private. He lost a month's pay, and for a
time his movements were restricted to his barracks and a few other
places on base.

Siegel was more upset by the news that he was going to be discharged
and by the constant hassling he says he was getting from his
superiors. He maintains that they were trying to push him until he
snapped in order to build as strong a case as possible for a
discharge, a decision that rested with the brigade commander. He
claims they reprimanded him for little things, like an athlete's-foot
problem he had, and required him to do onerous tasks, such as mow the
lawn with a push mower. They also leaned on him, he says, when he
hesitated to do things that were hard for him because of his injured
knee, like moving furniture. By his own account, he was in return
"abrasive and confrontational," and quite possibly wasn't pulling his weight.

After one scrap with a sergeant who yelled at him for disappearing to
make phone calls, he says he was ordered to check in at a central
desk every hour. That day in May, Siegel, who often seemed morose
during several months of conversations, sounded particularly
despondent. "It's just getting really difficult," he said.

"Mark was treated like a complete piece of crap," affirms Reynolds.
The problem, he says, is that "a lot of people thought Mark was just
faking it."

Reynolds knows firsthand how war-time trauma can cripple a man. After
two tours in Iraq, a number of near-death experiences (such as
stepping on a land mine that broke instead of blowing up), and the
loss of many friends­including an entire squad of 14 people whom he
had trained with­he finally lost it in a hotel room in Connecticut.
He had gone there to visit his wife, which did not go well. He downed
28 Percocets and a quarter-bottle of rum, and got into a fight with
the police who came to save him after being alerted by someone
Reynolds had called to say goodbye to. He eventually was hospitalized
and returned to Fort Lewis, where he also has had a hard time coping.
At one time he was so spooked by the noise and the crowds on base, so
convinced that somebody was out there waiting to get him, that he
says he needed a few drinks in him just to walk around.

Reynolds saw the way Siegel went from being a good soldier in Iraq to
one barely functioning. After the stryker explosion, Reynolds bunked
next to Siegel. "He was only sleeping one or two hours a day,"
Reynolds says. "He would just sit there and stare at the ceiling."

Piek, the Fort Lewis spokesperson, won't comment on Siegel's
discipline in detail, except to point to an Army policy that mandates
the initiation of a "separation" proceeding whenever drug use is
discovered. While soldiers can also be kicked out for alcohol abuse
and the resulting behavior, the military takes a harsher stance on
drugs, citing their illegality.

As Piek notes in a written statement, however, the start of such a
procedure "does not automatically equate with actual separation."
Commanders are given leeway to decide whether or not to go through
with the discharge. He declines to comment on why Siegel's commander
decided that a discharge was the right course in this case.

Army policy also requires that soldiers who test positive for drugs
be referred to substance-abuse programs on the base. "Every effort is
made to help a soldier rehabilitate," says Lt. Col. George Wright, an
Army spokesperson based at the Pentagon.

Yet Siegel says he was never referred to the substance-abuse program
at Fort Lewis.

"It may not always happen," admits Col. Elspeth Cameron Ritchie, a
top psychiatrist for the Army's Medical Department in Falls Church,
Virginia. "One of the problems is that we don't have enough drug and
alcohol counselors. We're trying to hire more." The Army Substance
Abuse Program at Fort Lewis, operating out of the Madigan Army
Medical Center on base, employs 17 counselors, according to Madigan
spokesperson Sharon Ayala. She says that number is "sufficient," but
allows that plans are in the works to hire four more.

Siegel says he didn't particularly want counseling, since he saw his
drug use as a momentary relapse. And these programs are "a
double-edged sword" for soldiers anyway, notes former Marine defense
attorney Vokey. Everything a soldier says about his drug and alcohol
habits can be used against him in separation proceedings.

In any case, Siegel got something of a break in the end. There are
three types of administrative discharges: honorable, "general under
honorable conditions," and "other than honorable." A soldier facing a
drug charge can receive the worst of the three, which may result in
their being stripped of access to health care from the federal
Department of Veterans Affairs (or VA). Siegel received the second type.

But while he retains VA coverage, he lost out on the possibility of
military-provided health insurance, which would have allowed him to
see ordinary civilian doctors, and which covers not only a soldier
(for life), but also his wife and kids. This insurance is generally
provided to military personnel who "medically retire." PTSD is
grounds for such a retirement. Before the drug charge, Siegel had
initiated the evaluation process that determines whether a soldier's
condition warrants a medical retirement. When his urinalysis came up
positive, however, that process came to a halt and his discharge
proceedings began.

Siegel's discharge also means the loss of education benefits under
the GI Bill and no possibility of monthly disability payments from
the military. That's apart from losing normal retirement benefits,
including a pension, that soldiers otherwise receive if they serve 20
years. Mike Colson, a retired Navy commander who coordinates outreach
to War-on-Terrorism veterans for the Seattle Vet Center, says he's
seen "people 16, 18 years in [the military] losing their benefits" by
getting discharged for errant behavior after coming back from Iraq or
Afghanistan.

While he sympathizes with their plight, he also understands the
military's position, he says. "There are standards of behavior," he
says, "and those standards need to be enforced."

Extensive scientific literature, dating back years, points to the
relationship between PTSD, substance abuse, and other behavioral
problems. Dr. Andrew Saxon, director of the addiction program at VA
Puget Sound, points to one 1987 study in The New England Journal of
Medicine which found that men with PTSD, including Vietnam veterans,
were five times as likely to abuse drugs as others, and nearly twice
as likely to be alcoholics. Describing the classic PTSD symptoms, he
says those afflicted might have "unpleasant, unbidden memories, they
might have nightmares, their heart might start to race, or they might
react physiologically and physically to something in the environment
like loud noises. You can imagine if you have those symptoms, it's
easy to reach for alcohol or obtain other drugs that temporarily help
you cope."

Captain Robert Koffman, acting director of psychological health for
Navy Medicine, affirms that PTSD often brings with it other medical
disorders like substance abuse. "Self-medication is typically what we
see," he says.

But the military has not fully figured out what to do with that
knowledge. "It is a subject of very active debate," says retired
Captain William Nash, a psychiatrist now working as a consultant to
the Marine Corps' Defense Centers of Excellence for Psychological
Health in Rosslyn, Va. "I think the issues are: Where does one draw
the line in terms of responsibility and culpability? To what extent
should a history of exposure to combat stress, or a diagnosis of
PTSD, be considered mitigation?" Nash notes that "legally, as long as
someone is not insane," they're considered responsible for their
misdeeds. And, he says, if all combat veterans who misbehave were
excused from punishment because of the trauma they've experienced,
"it would really take away from all the other soldiers and Marines
who went through those stressors and for whatever reason did not get
in trouble."

Still, Nash says, "Justice requires that whoever it is making the
decision really honestly takes into account all the factors
involved." At a minimum, he says, any uncharacteristic behavior
should be treated as a red flag that mental-health issues might be
involved. He thus successfully urged the Marines to begin screening
such individuals for PTSD and other disorders before going through
with discharge proceedings. As of May, the Army has adopted a similar policy.

But the Army and Marines left unresolved the critical question of
what to do after such a screening. "Whenever you have a medical
diagnosis and a disciplinary action, there needs to be a decision
made about which way to go forward," says Ritchie, the Army
psychiatrist. "The commander makes that final decision. In my
opinion, if [the medical diagnosis] is something severe, the case
should go to a medical board." That's the process of evaluating
soldiers to see if they qualify for a medical retirement.

But Nash points out that a discharge offers one thing to commanders
that the medical-retirement process does not: a "way faster" means of
getting rid of a troublesome soldier. "Somebody can be out on the
street in a week instead of nine months," he says. And as Siegel's
experience shows, soldiers are continuing to be discharged even with
diagnoses of PTSD in hand.

"I know there's been a lot of progress [in recognizing that combat
veterans need help]," says Reynolds, the Fort Lewis sergeant. "But
down at the unit level, where the soldiers are," it's as though these
troubled soldiers "are being swept under the rug."

The new mental-health screening "doesn't necessarily mean anything,"
says Vokey. "It doesn't mean the discharge proceeding stops, or they
treat you any differently." Adding to his skepticism is his past
experience. Marines would come into his office with "these horrific
stories," he says. One had a best friend killed before his eyes,
another's hand couldn't stop shaking as he talked to attorneys. About
a third to a half of the Marines facing discharges had PTSD or some
other mental disorder, he estimates.

Those diagnoses and experiences were "pretty much ignored," Vokey
says. He would hear arguments from commanders such as "I know PTSD is
a problem, but this guy did something wrong." And those were the
leaders who believed in PTSD. "Many people, including senior leaders,
did not," Vokey says.

Petty Officer Jermie Arnold says he ran up against the nonbelieving
kind. As in the Siegel case, Arnold­an Oregon native, 10-year veteran
of the Navy, and recipient of a Navy/Marine Corps Achievement
Medal­is currently facing a discharge from the military on a drug
charge. He's now at the Naval Station San Diego awaiting a hearing.

In early 2003, Arnold and fellow sailors were at Camp Patriot in
Kuwait, where, he says, Saddam Hussein would aim missiles. At that
time, nobody knew if Iraq had chemical weapons or not. And so sirens
would go off warning troops to don their protective masks and suits.
At 12:07 one morning, the alarm went off, and Arnold couldn't find
his mask. "I'm running everywhere looking for it," he recalls.
"Somebody had grabbed mine." And then Arnold could see the sky light
up right above him.

Still without his mask, he remembers thinking "I don't know what I'm
going to do. I'm going to sit here and die."

He didn't. As he leaned backwards onto somebody else's cot and
prepared for the worst, he bumped into a mask, perhaps belonging to
the person who took his. He grabbed it and ran to a bunker, where he
says he spent the next six hours sweating in 120-degree heat, locked
in a suit that made it feel even hotter.

He was safe. But he says that since then, flashbacks of frantically
looking for his mask have caused him to wake up in a cold sweat.

Upon his return in the spring of 2003, he started drinking. Each day,
he says, "basically I was drinking an entire bottle of Black Velvet.
It made the day go better."

One night, after being transferred to the Naval Air Station in
Kingsville, Texas, he went to a college party off base and
encountered a guy shooting a cap gun. "I was freaking out," he
recalls. He left the party and went to a nearby grocery, where he
grabbed some shelves leaning against a wall, intending to use them on
the guy with the cap gun.

When a police officer on patrol spotted him, Arnold dropped the
shelves and started running, according to both his account and
Kingsville police records. The reporting officer filed charges of
burglary (for stealing the shelves) and evading arrest. (They were
eventually dropped for lack of evidence.)

Because of the incident, Arnold says he was called before a
disciplinary review board. Arnold says he told the boardmembers that
he suspected he had PTSD. It didn't go well, he claims. "They were
laughing and joking, telling me I didn't have PTSD, saying I was just
trying to get off the charges."

The regional Navy office that covers Kingsville said they could not
disclose information about Arnold's disciplinary proceedings for
privacy reasons.

His father, Tom Arnold, a former Border Patrol mechanic who lives in
the Portland suburbs, wrote every member of Congress he thought could
help. One, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden, launched an inquiry with the
Navy, according to Tom Towslee, a spokesperson for the Senator.
Towslee says the Navy reported back that Arnold had gotten medical treatment.

Not so, according to Arnold. But the Navy did transfer him for a time
to a laid-back job at the Escondido Ranch, used by the Navy for
bombing practice as well as for recreation for its sailors.

Still, Arnold continued to have problems as he was deployed twice
more. Shortly before his third tour, he says he walked into his
chief's office and broke down crying. The chief sent him to a Navy
counseling center, where he was diagnosed with PTSD, according to
Arnold. But soon he was deployed again on the USS Pearl Harbor. After
an R&R stop in Thailand, he tested positive for cocaine.

.

Protesting the recruiters at SFSU

Protesting the recruiters at SFSU

http://socialistworker.org/2008/09/29/protesting-recruiters-at-sfsu

By Kristin Lubbert | September 29, 2008

SAN FRANCISCO--Students protested the presence of the Marines,
Department of Homeland Security and U.S. Border Patrol--all of whom
had booths inside San Francisco State University's (SFSU) career fair
on September 25.

About 50 people took part in the march, chanting, "Brothers and
sisters, have no fear. Immigrants are welcome here" and "What are
they recruiting for? Murder, rape, torture, war!" Several
organizations participated in the protest, including the SFSU chapter
of the Campus Antiwar Network, Radical Students, Iraq Veterans
Against the War (IVAW), Courage to Resist, the International
Socialist Organization, MEChA and La Raza.

When they arrived at the career fair, many of the marchers wanted to
sit in at the various recruitment booths, but the police were able to
stop students from entering the fair at all. Instead, protesters
staged a die-in outside.

As students lay on the ground blocking the sidewalks, IVAW member
Eddie Falcon shouted out, "These people represent the millions that
have died in Iraq and Afghanistan because U.S. bombs have exploded on
their homes. These people represent the thousands of U.S. soldiers
who have died for these illegal wars. These people represent the
suicide epidemic of soldiers who have returned from these wars with PTSD."

As the career fair continued, activists held a lively rally outside.
Some student were eventually able to get inside to grill the Marine
recruiters, asking them if they knew that SFSU had an
anti-discriminatory policy--and that the military's "don't ask, don't
tell" policy openly discriminates against gay people.

SFSU has a rich history of counter-recruitment protests, but due to
the recent decline of the antiwar movement, activists haven't been
able to build sizable actions for the past couple of years. Friday's
demonstration is a welcome development for the antiwar movement on
our campus, and the immigrant's rights movement as well.

If we hope to kick these racist institutions off our campus,
activists will have to continue to build the antiwar and immigrants
rights coalitions.

.

Choosing the military is nothing like choosing college

Choosing the military is nothing like choosing college

http://www.eurekareporter.com/article/080926-choosing-the-military-is-nothing-like-choosing-college

Published: Sep 26 2008,

Dear Editor,

Measure F in Arcata and Measure J in Eureka, the initiatives to
prevent military recruiters from approaching kids under the age of
18, do not prevent youth from approaching military recruiters.

The Statement of Law in the initiatives reads, "Nothing in this
Ordinance shall prevent any person from voluntarily visiting a
military recruitment office or specifically initiating a request to
meet with a recruiter."

The School Recruiting Program Handbook states, "Remember, first to
contact, first to contract... If you wait until they're seniors, it's
probably too late." Brain research reveals that the brain continues
to mature up to age 25. Recruiters are asking youths at age 16 or 17
to begin making decisions for which they have neither the brain
maturity nor the life experience to make.

Equating joining the military with choosing a college or other career
path is comparing apples to oranges. 50 percent of students entering
college drop out. If a person doesn't like a job he or she can search
for a different job. People and circumstances change.

For those in the military, these options are not available. You
cannot quit. The military does not have to honor any promises made at
the time of enlistment. You must follow orders whether you agree with
them or not. The business of the military is war and soldiers are
asked to kill and be killed.

Recruiters pressuring our youth, at ages 16 and 17, to begin making a
decision of this magnitude is exploitation.

Jane Stock
Eureka

.

Re-enlistments outpacing fiscal year mission

Re-enlistments outpacing fiscal year mission

http://www.armytimes.com/news/2008/09/army_reenlistments_092708w/

By Jim Tice - Staff writer
Sep 29, 2008

Retention in the active component is thousands of re-enlistments
ahead of its goal for the year.

Combined with a strong recruiting year, the retention numbers are
rapidly pushing the Army toward its expanded end-strength goal of
547,400 for 2010.

With a month left in the fiscal year, unit commanders and career
counselors had re-enlisted 72,083 soldiers.

That total is more than 7,000 re-enlistments above the fiscal year
mission of 65,000.

Recruiting figures released in early September show that through
August, recruiters had enlisted 71,863 new soldiers, just 8,137 shy
of the annual mission of 80,000.

September traditionally is a good recruiting month, and personnel
officials are confident the 80,000-goal will be met or exceeded.

The 2008 manning campaign is designed to support an end-strength
increase of about 11,000 over the next three years.

Active-component manning stands at about 536,000 soldiers, which puts
the Army in good position to achieve an end strength of 547,400 by
2010 or possibly earlier, according to Maj. Gen. Sean Byrne,
commander of Human Resources Command.

Byrne cautioned that any acceleration in the manning increase is
subject to budgetary considerations.

The Army's primary retention incentive during the past year has been
the Enhanced Selective Re-enlistment Bonus program, which features
flat-rate, lump-sum bonuses of $3,000 to $29,000 across a swath of
combat, support, and service military occupational specialties, in
addition to special bonuses for deployed soldiers and soldiers
recently returned from deployment.

The Enhanced SRB program was last updated in February. Changes to the
program for fiscal 2009 have not been announced.

Changes to the Bonus Extension and Retraining program were announced
in late July. They sharply increased rates for certain first- and
second-term soldiers in several priority MOSs.

BEAR bonuses also were targeted at soldiers whose terms of service
expire before Oct. 1, and who agree to retrain and re-enlist in one
of 20 critical skills. The BEAR program complements the Enhanced SRB
program by shifting soldiers to priority specialties during the
ongoing reorganization and expansion of the Army.

.

Heeding the call in a new age of war

Heeding the call in a new age of war

http://www.onlineathens.com/stories/092808/new_337754700.shtml

Challenges for military, its recruits, its veterans

By Merritt Melancon | merritt.melancon@onlineathens.com
9/28/2008

VIDEO: Get an inside look at the role of a Marine recruiter as Sgt.
Robert Romans talks about the changes over the years in recruiting
--

COMMERCE - It's the last warm Friday night of football season and a
couple hundred backers of the Franklin County High School Lions are
lined up on the bleachers, cheering as the their boys in green shut
out the Commerce High School Tigers, 27-0.

Between plays, moms and dads, sisters and brothers, students and
recent graduates talk about how long the week has been, how well the
Lions are doing and, as Carlos Merritt walks through the stands, how
the school's former football star is about ship off to Parris Island, S.C.

Two years ago, Merritt was Franklin County's starting wide receiver
and planned to parlay his skill on the football field into a college
education, but that just didn't pan out, he said.

A year later, he has a fiancé, a baby daughter and future to plan. He
joined the U.S. Marines because he didn't want to spend his whole
life in Franklin County and because he wanted a steady career that
could support his family.

Young people from rural America have looked to the military for
generations to find adventure and a steady paycheck. But for Merritt,
whose school had already lost two alumni to the war in Iraq and whose
state has lost 142, the choice to join the Marines to make a better
life for himself means something more dire than it did eight years ago.

Eager to join

Like everyone else in his graduating class, Merritt came of age
during the war on terror.

In the background of homework, football practice and dinner were news
reports of the violence of the first three years of the war.

He remembers watching those broadcasts and hearing about the two
recent Franklin County graduates who died in the fighting.

But the war didn't deter him from joining the Marines.

"I'm not really afraid of going," Merritt said. "I don't think it
would be fun, but I want to see what it's like. I've been watching it
on TV for years. I want to have the chance to do something about what
I've been seeing, a chance to help change it."

Like Merritt, Austin Willis, a 2006 graduate of Oconee County High
School, remembers a teacher ushering him back into his eighth-grade
home room when American Airlines Flight 11 hit the north tower of the
World Trade Center on Sept. 11, 2001. At the time, he didn't realize
the magnitude of what was happening, but that day has affected his world-view.

Sept. 11 didn't make Willis' choice to join the Army National Guard
any easier, but it made him think about the role of the military -
and he felt compelled to help the Army do that work.

"I look at the military as a humanitarian kind of organization,"
Willis said. "I know a lot of people just see a big killing machine,
and I hate the fact that that is the face that people think of when
they think of United States Army."

For Willis and Merritt - and the 450,000 other new recruits who
signed up in 2007 and 2008 - war is not a deal-breaker.

Recruiters for all branches of the armed service have met their
recruitment goals for the last two years. New recruits joined up in
part because of the weak economy, in part because of a new
understanding of patriotism and in part because the level of violence
in Iraq has dropped over the last year, said Marine Gunnery Sgt.
Robert Romans, the Athens Marine recruiter who talked Merritt and his
mother through the process of joining up.

Whatever recruits' reasons for joining, the Marines Corps now has a
waiting list, Romans said.

"If someone came in and wanted to join the Marines today, the
earliest I could send them to boot camp is August 2009," he said.

The Marine Corps didn't suffer a significant recruitment lag after
the war in Iraq started, but since hitting a low in 2004, each branch
of the military has rebounded in recruitment, according to the U.S.
Department of Defense.

The Defense Department exceeded its 2008 goal for recruiting new
soldiers by June and will end the year with 60,000 more enlisted men
than officials had projected.

"I think it's mostly because of the economy failing and the
military's still steady," Romans said. "We're not going anywhere."

Going full-time

Army National Guard Staff Sgt. Michael Griffin, a New Jersey native
who now lives in Athens, was no stranger to overseas deployment when
he joined the Georgia guard.

He'd was deployed to Panama before he left active duty in the early
1990s, but he thought that joining the guard would keep him closer to home.

Now preparing for his third deployment this decade, Griffin believes
the guard's recent change in status from weekend warriors to almost
full-time soldiers has made the guard a more professional and
enthusiastic military force.

Since the U.S. government launched its war on terror in 2001, nearly
all of Georgia's National Guardsmen - about 9,500 men and women -
have been asked to put their day jobs on hold and go fight for their
country, according to Lt. Col. Kenneth Baldowski, the Georgia
National Guard spokesman.

Across the country, service in the National Guard has morphed from a
one-weekend-a-month, two-weeks-a-year commitment to as close to
full-time as a soldier can get without living near a base.

Griffin joined the Georgia National Guard in 1992 after serving eight
years active-duty. He liked life in the military, and wanted to help
if his state needed him.

And he did. His unit helped flood victims in South Georgia after
Tropical Storm Alberto in 1994, and the soldiers were called in to
provide security after the bombing of Centennial Olympic Park in
Atlanta during the 1996 Summer Olympics.

"One thing that has changed (is) it's a much more professional
organization," Griffin said. "When I first got in there was a lot of
that good-old-boy, weekend-warrior kind of mentality."

That was fun, Griffin said. But as the guard has transitioned to more
of an active fighting force, the training and professionalism of the
guard has increased, he said.

"We've seen a real blurring between the service expected of the
active components (of the Army) and the service expected of guard
units," John Goheen, a spokesman for the National Guard Association,
a group that lobbies on behalf of guard units. "The number of
deployments and the length of deployments we're seeing now are more
comparable to full-time service than the traditional role played by
Guardsmen. We can't have these distinctions in benefits when the
there's no distinction between the types of service."

As Guardsmen found themselves fighting more battles overseas, they
expected that their medical and retirement benefit packages would
improve in proportion to the time they spent fighting, Goheen said.

"There's been a lot of talk about increasing our benefits," said
Griffin, a 16-year veteran who is scheduled to deploy to Afghanistan
in May with the 1st Battalion, 121st Infantry unit based in Winder.
"I don't know if it's happening, but I know they're trying."

Eight years ago, Guardsmen weren't even entitled to health insurance
benefits and 20 percent of the force was uninsured, Goheen said.

"That's just a readiness issue," he said. "We needed to have them
ready to go when we need them."

In the intervening years, Guardsmen have gotten access to health
insurance for themselves and their families. They are now able to
transfer GI Bill college benefits to their children, and the time a
Guardsman spends on active duty is taken in to account when
calculating the age at which he or she can draw retirement benefits.

Various states have also offered education benefits and fringe
benefits, like free fishing and hunting licenses and car license plates.

License plates and fishing licenses may seem small benefits compared
to the growing demands that the military has placed on the Guard, but
Goheen believes that these symbols of appreciation are emblematic of
changing attitudes about the guard.

Winder's infantrymen have been deployed twice in the past 10 years
and are scheduled to deploy to Afghanistan next May.

Griffin returned to full-time Guard service early to organize
training for the Winder-based battalion, making sure that everyone is
ready before they hit the ground in Afghanistan.

That goes for their families, too.

When the 1st/121st deployed to Iraq in 2005, family members and
Guardsmen were only given about one month's notice. Families barely
had time to put together a list of emergency telephone numbers, much
less time to make sure that spouses understood the family's finances,
knew how to fill out health insurance forms or could arrange for
daycare, said Carrie Pomian, whose husband, Capt. T.J. Pomian, serves
as company commander.

Now, families not only have more time to plan, but the National Guard
itself has started to push family readiness - organizing workshops
and seminars on how to prepare.

"I think it's great that we're able to start getting people's contact
information together now, almost a year before they'll be gone,"
Pomian said. "We just have much more time to get ready, emotionally,
financially - everything."

Access a problem

Steven Harris is one of the thousands of men and women who joined the
Army after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, went to boot camp and was
serving in Iraq in just a few months.

He's one of the 826 Georgia soldiers who returned home from combat
wounded or injured.

While Veterans Affairs officials are working to make VA medical
services more available in Georgia, finding and getting benefits
still can be complicated or difficult for soldiers who are no longer
active-duty or who are separated from major military installations.

Harris been mired in military red tape since he was medically
discharged from the Army in 2005 after he was injured in Iraq.

He's spent the last three years healing from his injury, trying to
sign up for the GI Bill education benefits he was promised and
finally trying to re-enlist with the Army. He has hit major
roadblocks to meeting those goals.

Harris had joined the Army in 2002 because he wanted the chance to do
something that mattered, and after the terrorist attacks nothing
mattered more than helping to defend his country, he said.

"I wasn't doing anything better," Harris says, half-joking. "I wanted
to test myself. At 25, I hadn't done anything but live the regular,
old suburban life. I wanted to see what else was out there. And I was
just completely wasting my time (in Athens)."

He deployed to Iraq in 2004 and came back a year later with stress
fractures in his legs. He later found out that the fractures happened
in boot camp and were exacerbated when he was thrown from his Humvee
after a roadside bomb exploded. His legs grew worse after a few more
months of combat.

By the time he returned to the States, his legs were killing him, he said.

"When I went to the doctor, all I wanted was about four or six weeks
off," Harris said. "I just needed to give my legs a break. Instead
they gave me a medical discharge."

He wasn't injured seriously enough to receive disability
compensation, and didn't pursue medical care for his leg.

He may not have been eligible for medical care from the military
because he left the Army before fulfilling his full-time commitment,
but even if he qualified for help, the nearest Veterans Affairs
office, at the time, was more than an hour away.

The VA changed its rules in January to provide medical care to anyone
who served in a combat zone after 1998, but Harris is pretty much
healed at this point, he said. Today, he'd visit the VA to get the
all-clear to re-enlist.

On the whole, veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan have
been less likely to sign up for VA services because of the paperwork
and perceived hassle of the process, said Michael Shaffer, a
spokesman for the Charlie Norwood VA Medical Center in Augusta.

Harris had pursued education benefits through the VA, but couldn't
navigate the maze of paperwork needed to get his tuition paid for, he said.

The VA has recently stepped up its efforts to reach out to younger
veterans and to help them enroll in programs available to them,
Shaffer said. The Norwood Medical Center held a "Welcome Home"
barbecue and services fair Saturday to reach out to men and women who
have just been discharged.

Once servicemen know what's available to them, receiving care becomes
a question of getting to where services are offered.

The Disabled American Veterans has added free shuttles to Georgia's
VA medical centers, and VA officials have placed more primary care
centers in smaller cities, including Athens. But finding care still
poses a challenge for rural Guardsman and discharged soldiers, said
Goheen, the spokesman for the National Guard Association.

"When the guardsmen and reservists come back home, they go back to
into their communities," he said. "They're not always near a large
installation with a lot of services. ... If they're entitled to VA
benefits and health care, they have to be able to access those benefits."

For Harris and for many returning soldiers, those benefits should
include access to some sort of mental health support system, Shaffer said.

Harris recognizes that he had a hard time acclimating to civilian life.

He went back to the Papa John's Pizza he had managed for years before
joining the Army and was fired after 10 days because he was yelling
at his employees.

"I don't know," Harris said. "That wasn't anything, to yell at people
when I was in the Army. I just had a hard time readjusting. I don't
know what the problem was, really. It was partly because of the war
and partly just getting of out of Army."

He raced motorcycles. He yelled. He ran up debt buying racing motorcycles.

It took a few years for the tempo at which Harris was living to slow
down to match the tempo at which the rest of the world operated, he said.

He doesn't know if he needed counseling, but it couldn't have hurt, he said.

The VA operates four counseling centers in Georgia, but all of them
were more than an hour's drive from Athens. Basic mental health care
is now provided at the Athens' VA clinic, Shaffer said.

Now recovered physically and emotionally, Harris is in the midst of
his newest struggle with the Army - he wants back in.

He has been trying to join up again, but it has been hard getting an
Army recruiter or even a Army National Guard recruiter to take an
interest in his case.

"I actually have been trying to get back in for a couple of years
now," he said. "All of my buddies are still in. They're deploying
over and over again, fighting our wars, and I feel that I should be
there, too. The other thing is that being in the Army was the first
thing that I was really good at.

"I was better at that than pretty much anything else."

Today, he works as medical equipment technician, and it's OK. But
he'd love to return to the service, despite the bureaucracy that he
says keeps him in civilian life.

"That's the Army," Harris said. "You take the good with the bad. You
don't expect things to be too fair."

.

Suicides of Army recruiters examined

[2 articles]

Suicides of Army recruiters examined

http://www.mysanantonio.com/military/29849834.html

09/28/2008
Lindsay Wise - Houston Chronicle

HOUSTON ­ An alarming number of suicides among Army recruiters based
here ­ including two in recent weeks ­ has prompted calls by
legislators and military advocates for closer scrutiny of high-stress
recruiting duty during wartime.

Staff Sgt. Larry G. Flores, 26, and Sgt. First Class Patrick G.
Henderson, 35, are the fourth and fifth recruiters at the Houston
Recruiting Battalion to kill themselves since 2001. Both men belonged
to the battalion's Tyler Company, and both were combat veterans who
served in Iraq and Afghanistan.

"Clearly there's a problem," said David Rudd, a former Army
psychologist and psychology chairman at Texas Tech University.
"Somebody needs to look and see if there's a broader national problem
outside of this one battalion. Is it a problem placing these combat
veterans in recruiting positions?"

After inquiries by the Houston Chronicle on the suicides, U.S. Sen.
John Cornyn of Texas sent a letter Thursday to the secretary of the
Army, asking for a briefing on an ongoing investigation and on the
policy of returning soldiers from combat and reassigning them to a
recruiting office.

"I am very concerned about this apparent trend within the
Houston-based recruiting battalion, and I believe the situation
requires your leadership and oversight to ensure the proper actions
are taken and safeguards put in place to protect our troops," Cornyn wrote.

Also Thursday, U.S. Recruiting Command at Fort Knox in Kentucky
announced that it is "deeply concerned" and will deploy a critical
response team to the battalion.

Houston has one of the top recruiting battalions in the nation. But
with America's all-volunteer force straining to meet the manpower
requirements of fighting wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the difficulty
of meeting monthly quotas ­ called "making mission" ­ is taking its
toll on recruiters and their families, say mental health specialists
and veterans advocates.

The suicides in the Houston battalion are a "very loud, very bright
alarm" that Army officials and politicians can't afford to ignore,
said Paul Sullivan, executive director of Veterans for Common Sense.

'Pressure from the top'

Recruiting has long been considered one of the toughest jobs in the
military. Recruiters from the Houston battalion who spoke to the
Chronicle said they regularly work 12- to 14-hour days, six or seven
days a week. The pressure to sign at least two fresh "prospects" a
month is immense.

Recruiters who were hand-picked from the ranks find themselves
suddenly playing the unfamiliar role of salesman. If they don't "make
mission," they're punished with even longer duty hours and threatened
with losing rank or receiving bad evaluations that could label them
as failures.

"You dread waking up and going to work," said Chris Rodriguez, a
Houston battalion recruiter in 2005 and 2006. "You'll have no life,
you'll never see your family. It's worse than a deployment because
you're there with your family but you can't spend any time with them."

Rodriguez, 25, used to have nightmares about recruiting after he left
the battalion to serve in Iraq. In March, his friend and fellow Army
recruiter, 25-year-old Nils Aron Andersson, shot himself to death in
a downtown Houston parking garage.

"You've heard that recruiters are kind of insensitive to their
recruits and tell them anything, but that pressure comes down all the
way from the top," Rodriguez said. "It'll change your personality."

Seeking mental health treatment is difficult because even if
recruiters get over the stigma they have little free time or access
to doctors and therapists.

Recruiters said they're proud of their Army service but feel trapped
by what they describe as the Houston battalion leadership's lack of compassion.

"The situation you're placed in, the expectations you are given, are
lose-lose," said Staff Sgt. Jonathan L. Heinrich, a recruiter with
the battalion's Tyler Company. "You can talk to as many people as you
want to, but if people don't want to join the Army, there's nothing
you can do."

The battalion's Lt. Col. Toimu "Troy" Reeves and Command Sgt. Maj.
Cheryl M. Broussard declined requests for interviews.

Troubled in East Texas

Flores, the deceased recruiter, headed up the Tyler company's
Nacogdoches recruiting station.

On Aug. 2, he was called to Houston to attend "low-production
training" at 10:30 a.m. with other station commanders having trouble
making mission.

The recruiters were told they'd go before a panel of their superiors
to defend the work ethic at their stations.

It was 6 p.m. before Flores went inside to take his turn.

From the other side of the door, Sgt. First Class Willie Dawson, 40,
could hear voices rising and muffled shouting. When Flores came out
of the room, his face was beet red, Dawson said.

Dawson, commander of Tyler Company's Jacksonville station, asked
Flores what happened.

"He just shook his head and said, 'I can't talk,'" Dawson recalled.

Later, Flores called fellow recruiter Heinrich, who also was his friend.

"The way he told me it went down is, the sergeant major kept
pressuring him to say he's a failure and that he wanted to quit so it
would make it easier for her to get rid of him from recruiting
altogether or even out of the Army, basically chaptering him out of
the Army," Heinrich recalled.

Flores had more than work stress to confront. His wife, Jennifer
Flores, later told police she'd planned to leave her husband. The
couple's marriage was deteriorating under the strain of Flores' long
hours and other job-related problems, she said.

Flores was found dead in his garage in Palestine on Aug. 9. He had
hung himself with an extension cord.

Two weeks after Flores' death, police were called to fellow recruiter
Henderson's home because he was acting delusional and threatening suicide.

"He was basically having a meltdown," said Lt. Craig Sweeney of the
Henderson Police Department. "He was seeing some Iraqis in the woods
near his house."

Henderson was posted in Tyler Company's Longview station. His wife,
Staff Sgt. Amanda Henderson, worked as a recruiter under Flores at
the Nacogdoches station.

After his breakdown, Henderson was diagnosed with post traumatic
stress disorder, police said. He was removed from recruiting duty and
ordered to report to the Tyler Company headquarters until reassignment.

On Sept. 19, Henderson and his wife apparently argued, police said.
The next morning, his stepson found him dead in the shed behind his
house. Like Flores, he had hung himself.

Their deaths come at a time when suicides among all active-duty
soldiers are on track to set a record for the second year in a row.
Last year, 115 soldiers committed suicide. By the end of August this
year, 93 had killed themselves.

--------

Army recruiter suicides in Houston worry advocates

http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/ap/tx/6025346.html

Sept. 26, 2008

HOUSTON ­ Five Army recruiters from the same Houston-based battalion
have committed suicide in recent years, leading veteran advocate
groups to ask for more scrutiny of such stressful jobs during wartime.

The August suicides of Staff Sgt. Larry G. Flores Jr., 26, and Sgt.
1st Class Patrick G. Henderson, 35, occurred as suicides among active
duty personnel are expected to set a record for the second year in a
row. The Houston Chronicle reported Friday that 93 soldiers had
killed themselves by the end of August. In 2007, 115 soldiers
committed suicide.

The Houston battalion's suicides are a "very loud, very bright alarm"
that Army officials and politicians shouldn't ignore, said Paul
Sullivan, executive director of Veterans for Common Sense.

"This may warrant changes in ... how the military addresses mental
health needs for returning combat veterans placed in stressful
noncombat jobs," he said.

The Houston Recruiting Battalion's Lt. Col. Toimu "Troy" Reeves and
Command Sgt. Major Cheryl M. Broussard declined the newspaper's
request for interviews. Neither Reeves nor Broussard replied to
e-mail requests by the AP for comment. But a spokesman for the U.S.
Army Recruiting Battalion Houston said all commanders train their
military and civilian personnel on suicide prevention each year.

The U.S. Army Recruiting Command at Fort Knox issued a statement
saying it will deploy a chaplain, psychologist and equal opportunity
adviser to the battalion in October. It also plans to establish a
suicide prevention board.

"The United States Army Recruiting Command is deeply concerned by the
instances of suicide within the Houston Recruiting Battalion," the
statement read.

Recruiting is considered a tough job in the military. Recruiters face
pressure to sign at least two "prospects" a month, which is more
difficult during war. If they don't "make mission," recruiters can be
punished with longer duty hours and threatened with losing rank or
receiving bad evaluations, veterans advocates said.

"The situation you're placed in, the expectations you are given, are
lose-lose," said Staff Sgt. Jonathan L. Heinrich, a recruiter with
the battalion's Tyler Company. "You can talk to as many people as you
want to, but if people don't want to join the Army, there's nothing
you can do."

Many recruiters from the Houston battalion said they regularly work
12- to 14-hour days, six or seven days a week, and have long commutes
to small stations far from a military base.

In the latest suicides, the recruiters died six weeks apart. Flores
was found hanging in his garage in Palestine on Aug. 9. Flores had
led the Tyler company's Nacogdoches recruiting station and served in
Afghanistan and Iraq.

Two weeks later, police were called to Henderson's home in an East
Texas town also named Henderson. The Iraq veteran, who was posted in
Tyler Company's Longview station, was threatening suicide in what
police described as a "meltdown." He and his wife apparently argued
Sept. 19, and the next morning, his stepson found him hanging in the
shed behind his house.

.

Thursday, September 25, 2008

Who Serves in the Military Today?

Who Serves in the Military Today?

http://freakonomics.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/09/22/who-serves-in-the-military-today/

By Stephen J. Dubner
September 22, 2008

Three of the four candidates in the upcoming election have a son who
has either served in Iraq or soon will: Jimmy McCain, Beau Biden, and
Track Palin. (And the children of the fourth candidate, Barack Obama,
are a bit too young for military duty.)

Is this sheer happenstance?

I am guessing that when Obama was preparing to pick his running mate,
it was important to counter John McCain's military bona fides ­ and
Joe Biden fit the bill at least in some small part because his son
Beau is a captain in the Delaware Army National Guard, soon to be
deployed to Iraq. When McCain chose his vice-presidential candidate,
Sarah Palin's chances certainly weren't hurt by having a son who's an
Army Pfc. about to be sent to Iraq.

If you randomly take any four American families, it would certainly
be anomalous if three of them had a son in Iraq. (The U.S. military
currently has about two million people in uniform.) But isn't it even
more anomalous that three of four families like these ­ i.e.,
families of considerable means ­ have sons in Iraq? Isn't the modern
military full of men and women from low-income backgrounds, with a
far higher minority representation than in the general population,
who join up only because they have no other viable career possibilities?

That is certainly a piece of conventional wisdom that I have heard
voiced; which is why a new report titled "Who Serves in the U.S.
Military? The Demographics of Enlisted Troops and Officers"
http://www.heritage.org/Research/NationalSecurity/cda08-05.cfm
is so surprising. It was compiled by Shanea J. Watkins and James
Sherk at the Heritage Foundation's Center for Data Analysis. I
suspect that the Heritage Foundation's imprimatur will raise
skepticism among some readers, and I have several qualms myself with
what is said and not said in the report, but the facts are very compelling.

The report measures the demographics of military personnel against
the general U.S. population in four areas: household income,
education level, racial and ethnic background, and regional origin.
Here is the most surprising picture in the report:

[See chart at URL]

So 50 percent of the enlisted recruits (i.e., not including the
officers' corps) come from families in the top 40 percent of the
income distribution, while only 10 percent come from the bottom 20
percent. It is worth noting that the income information here is not
perfect: the data do not include actual family income for each
recruit, but rather use the median household income of the recruit's
home census tract. But still, one look at that graph tells you that
the conventional image of a military full of poor kids doesn't
reflect the reality.

"These trends are even more pronounced in the Army Reserve Officers'
Training Corps (R.O.T.C.) program," reads the report, "in which 40
percent of enrollees come from the wealthiest neighborhoods ­ a
number that has increased substantially over the past four years"
(i.e., since the September 11 attacks).

Here are some of the report's other claims:

1. "American soldiers are more educated than their peers. A little
more than 1 percent of enlisted personnel lack a high-school degree,
compared to 21 percent of men 18 to 24 years old [in the general population]."

2. "Contrary to conventional wisdom, minorities are not
overrepresented in the military service."

3. "The facts do not support the belief that many American soldiers
volunteer because society offers them few opportunities. The average
enlisted person or officer could have had lucrative career
opportunities in the private sector."

Point No. 1, while technically true, is also misleading. As the
report states elsewhere, "The military requires at least 90 percent
of enlisted recruits to have high-school diplomas" (not counting
GED's) and, furthermore, the Army itself requires a high-school
diploma or equivalent, with a 2.5 G.P.A.

So high-school dropouts are, for the most part, not getting into the
military. In fact, if you consider "low education" a proxy for "low
income," that would seem to explain most of the high-income effect we
see in the graph above. This doesn't make the graph any less true; it
just makes the report's language needlessly boastful.

Point No. 2 is particularly interesting, especially as you dig
further into the report's data. Whites and blacks make up almost
exactly the same percent of the enlisted personnel as they do in the
general population.

The recruit-to-population ratio for whites is 1.06, and for blacks it
is 1.08. Hispanics, meanwhile, are significantly underrepresented
among enlisted personnel, with a recruit-to-population ratio of just
0.65. (It should also be said that this entire report groups together
personnel from all four service branches, which means that the
aggregate numbers do not necessarily represent any one of the
branches separately.)

It's also interesting to note that blacks are overrepresented in
R.O.T.C. commissions, with a 1.21 officer-to-population ratio,
compared to 1.02 for whites. United States Military Academy
graduates, however, are a different story entirely. Just over 80
percent of West Point graduates are white (a 1.12
officer-to-population ratio), while only 5.5 percent are black (a 0.5
ratio). Also, nearly 18 percent of West Point cadets come from a
family with a household income of more than $100,000. Granted, West
Point is an elite institution and is bound to attract elites.

There's a further important point that can't be found in this report
but can be found in another one, which compiles race-specific U.S.
military fatalities in Iraq and Afghanistan. As of March 1, 2008,
there were 2,964 white fatalities in Iraq, representing 74.8 percent
of the total; in the general population, meanwhile, whites in that
age cohort make up about 62 percent of the population, so whites are
overrepresented among Iraqi fatalities. Blacks and Hispanics,
meanwhile, are both underrepresented; the same is true in Afghanistan.

Point No. 3 is almost an ideological argument rather than a factual
one. But still, this much is clear: when discussing the U.S. military
in the aggregate, the common notion that the military is a stop of
last resort, increasingly staffed by low-income desperadoes with slim
future prospects, cannot be right.

If the report has one significant ideological point to make, it's
that military participation has a huge patriotic/service component
that is commonly overlooked, especially in portions of the country
where military representation is far below average. (In the
Northeast, for instance, the recruit-to-population ratio is just
0.73, compared to 1.19 in the South.)

We obviously haven't heard the last word on patriotism or service in
the current campaign. And many of the words to come will certainly be
loaded. If nothing else, here's hoping that people ­ no matter which
side they're arguing ­ will take a look at some of the numbers in
this report before leaping to conclusions.

[Note: I recently discussed this topic on The Takeaway.]
http://www.thetakeaway.org/archives/2008/09/23/3

[plus 83 comments]

.

Wednesday, September 24, 2008

H. R. 6020: Armed Forces Amnesty for Illegal Aliens

[Please note article is from the John Birch Society.]

H. R. 6020: Armed Forces Amnesty for Illegal Aliens

http://www.jbs.org/index.php/jbs-news-feed/2963

Written by Brian Farmer
Thursday, 18 September 2008

On September 17, the U.S. House of Representatives Judiciary
Committee was scheduled to consider and mark up three immigration
bills. It appears that the Democratic majority wants to act on
immigration legislation before Congress breaks for election campaigning.

Consideration of the first two bills was deferred, but the third
bill, H.R 6020, which includes "expedited immigration proceedings for
servicemembers," was reported favorably to the full House for a vote.

As reported by NumbersUSA, "H.R. 6020, which would apply to the 23
million veterans of the armed forces, would grant amnesty to any
illegal aliens who have served and to their families. For U.S.
citizens who have served, it would grant amnesty to their
illegal-alien spouses, children, parents, and minor children of their
parents. In addition, the measure would waive certain grounds for
deportation for any illegal alien who has served in the military and
for that person's spouse, children, parents, and minor children of
their parents. Lastly, the bill would authorize the Secretary of
Homeland Security or the Attorney General to waive all other grounds
of inadmissibility or deportation."

Members of the U.S. military have a duty to obey our laws. Illegal
aliens have engaged in criminal behavior by entering the United
States in violation of our immigration laws. Serving in the U.S.
military does not negate their lawbreaking, and this legislation
would actually reward that lawbreaking. It is an insult to those who
have served honorably. Hence, it should come as no surprise that the
American Legion has already announced its opposition to the bill.

There have even been reports that gangs might very well be using
military training to enhance their criminal activities. If the
military is either unable to deal with such internal challenges with
screening out U.S. citizens who are involved in gangs, or is turning
a blind eye to them, then what kind of self-policing can we expect if
larger numbers of illegal aliens step forward to join, whose
backgrounds might be overlooked by a recruiter under pressure to make a quota?

If H.R. 6020 were to become law, it would serve as a magnet for
illegal aliens to try and serve in the military, in order to obtain a
special fast track to U.S. citizenship. It would also encourage
military recruiters, who are under intense pressure to meet manpower
quotas for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, to attract illegal
aliens into our armed forces. In addition, it would also encourage
marriage fraud, because it removes the usual two-year probation
period for non-citizen spouses.

Now that the bill has passed out of committee, Capitol Hill sources
suggest that it could be attached to the Defense Appropriations bill,
which Democratic leaders plan on passing before Congress goes on
recess for the elections. Please contact your U.S. Representative
through the Capitol Switchboard (202-224-3121) and ask him or her to
oppose the passage of H.R. 6020, or any legislation that would grant
amnesty to illegal aliens who have served in the U.S. military.

.

Forgotten casualties of war

Forgotten casualties of war

http://www.pslweb.org/site/News2?JServSessionIdr001=1hrrqu5v16.app13a&page=NewsArticle&id=9971&news_iv_ctrl=1261&cmd=display

Friday, September 19, 2008
By: Michael Prysner

Suicide rates among active duty soldiers to surpass general population

The author, an Iraq War veteran, is the candidate of the Party for
Socialism and Liberation in Florida's 22nd Congressional District. To
learn more about his campaign, click here. To learn more about other
PSL candidates running in national and local elections, click here.
--

So far this year, 93 active duty soldiers have taken their own lives.
The figure puts the suicide rate on course to exceed that of the
general U.S. population. Such a phenomenon has not occurred since the
brutal war in Vietnam, which to this day still yields high suicide
rates among its veterans. These men and women, too, are casualties of war.

Suicide figures for the military have consistently risen: 67 in 2004,
87 in 2005, 102 in 2006, and 115 in 2007. Col. Eddie Stephens, the
army's deputy director of human resources policy, predicted that
"with four months left, we're probably going to surpass 115" in 2008.

The figures show that the majority soldiers committing suicide are
young and of low rank. The underlying factors in this grim statistic
are twofold.

First, high school youths are among the top targets of recruiters.
The U.S. military sponsors video game and paintball tournaments to
entice young students with a fantasy world of glamorized combat. It
has even gone so far as to create its own video game, "America's
Army." The horrors that recruits as young as 17 will see in Iraq and
Afghanistan are inconspicuously absent from the game.

Second, the fact that the majority of suicides are among low-ranking
enlisted soldiers reflects the existing class divisions within the
military. Enlisted soldiers are predominantly from poor and working
class backgrounds, with a growing number not even having a high
school diploma. Officers are generally of a more privileged stratum
of college graduates.

In peacetime, the lives of officers and enlisted soldiers are vastly
different, with the officers enjoying an extremely high standard of
living, spending most of their time behind a desk. Enlisted soldiers
are paid drastically less, live in substandard barracks and are
responsible for all manual labor, such as mowing lawns and janitorial duties.

In wartime, however, the relationship between the enlisted soldiers
and their officer bosses takes on a new, criminal dynamic. For
officers, their career is furthered by the success of their unit.
Enlisted soldiers are typically sent on missions that have no purpose
other than to invite an attack. Sometimes called "draw fire"
missions, soldiers are sent to patrol an area with known
anti-occupation sentiments to intimidate and provoke the Iraqi people
into a fight. While the enlisted soldiers are killed, maimed and
traumatized on these pointless missions, their commanding officers
have another battle to put on their promotion paperwork.

Other than being forced to take part in these types of missions,
enlisted soldiers overwhelmingly bear the brunt of normal combat
operations. The poor and working people in this country have always
been the ones used as cannon fodder for the imperialist goals of the
ruling class.

Across the board, experts attribute the rise in suicides to lengthy
and frequent deployments. These deployments have no end in sight,
with the occupation of Iraq planned to continue indefinitely and
another potential troop surge in the horizon, this time in Afghanistan.

The U.S. military has responded to the suicide epidemic by planning
to hire more mental health specialists and increasing the use of
anti-depressants. These "solutions" aim to keep soldiers stable
enough to continue to be deployed over and over again, ultimately
exacerbating the resulting disabilities. The Pentagon has nothing to
gain from properly caring for veterans­its only interest is having an
unlimited supply of bodies it can ship to other countries to do its biding.

As long as we live under a system whose wheels are set in motion by
profits alone, the military will be a used as a tool to secure
foreign markets, regardless of the effect it has on soldiers or the
peoples targeted by war. A complete overturn of this system and a
restructuring of society are in order if we wish to see no more human
lives thrown to waste on­or off­the battlefield.

.

NFA’s peace group wants students to stay away from military recruiters

NFA's peace group wants students to stay away from military recruiters

http://www.norwichbulletin.com/news/x877722628/NFA-s-peace-group-wants-students-to-stay-away-from-military-recruiters

By ADAM BOWLES
Norwich Bulletin
Posted Sep 20, 2008

Norwich, Conn. ­ As high school students head back to school across
the nation, they may be unaware that their names, phone numbers and
addresses are being provided to military recruiters.

That is unless students or their guardians request in writing that
they don't want their contact information released. And that's the
option the Norwich Free Academy Youth Peace Club wants their peers to consider.

"I'm just concerned that my fellow peers are getting involved in
something they don't really know much about," said club member Mae
MacBride, 16, of Voluntown.

Michael Cowles, station commander for the Army recruitment office on
West Main Street, said the No Child Left Behind Act also requires
schools to send the same information to colleges.
"We're just trying to get the word out" about what he have to
officer, Cowles said. "It's our job to talk to students. We
understand it's not for everyone."

The club, which has about a dozen members who regularly attend
meetings, is trying to inform students and parents about how to get
off the military recruitment list. The school notifies parents in
August about this option, but the club believes its campaign is more effective.

NFA students have until Sept. 30 to be removed from the list. Most
schools in the state have a similar deadline.

The club has printed postcards with the information that can be
signed by a student or parent and dropped off at the library or sent
directly to Superintendent/Principal Mark Cohan.

Posters that hold cards have been hung in classrooms and on bulletin
boards across campus. Club members are hoping to catch the attention
of parents who attend Parents Night Thursday.
Pam Gagnon, the club's faculty adviser, said it's not easy convincing
students it might be better to opt out of the recruitment list.

"A lot of kids don't care about privacy," she said. "They have their
Facebook page, their MySpace page, and they are putting their
information out there. They don't realize that a recruiter, even the
best of them, is selling something and they are pretty high-pressure salesmen."

.

Georgia Guard enjoys recruiting increase

Georgia Guard enjoys recruiting increase

http://www.macon.com/197/story/469839.html

By Gene Rector - grector@macon.com
Sep. 21, 2008

Georgia's Air and Army National Guard are enjoying a recruiting
surge, an upswing that bodes well for the state and nation, officials say.

Nationally, the Air National Guard has met its end-strength goals
this year for the first time since 2003. Georgia was an exception,
although a productive recruiting year has pushed the state's air arm
much closer to fully manned status.

At the same time, Georgia's Army National Guard is an over-achiever,
already reaching more than 150 percent of its recruiting goal for the year.

"Right now, we are 94 percent manned," said Senior Master Sgt.
Richard Hamilton, the Georgia Air National Guard's recruiting and
retention superintendent. "But we were at 85 percent last year at
this time, so we've seen significant improvement."

The state's Air Guard - including the 202nd Engineering Installation
Squadron at Middle Georgia Regional Airport in Macon and elements of
the 116th Air Control Wing at Robins Air Force Base - is authorized
2,900 airmen. Currently, 2,715 are on the books.

Hamilton, who works out of Dobbins Air Reserve Base in Marietta, said
incentives and changes by the National Guard Bureau have made the
recruiting job easier. First-time recruits in certain career fields
are eligible for up to $20,000 in signing bonuses while prior-service
candidates may receive up to $15,000.

Aircraft mechanics are high on the list. "We fly airplanes for a
living," Hamilton said, "so we're looking for people to work on them.
Civil engineering, law enforcement and security forces are also big ones."

There was more freedom this year to focus recruiting on individual unit needs.

"If the 202nd needed cable splicers, for example, we could put that
on the bonus list to attract people," he said. "That helped us quite
a bit this year and they're going to do it again in 2009. It will
help us attract people to where our needs are."

On the Army side, the state total stands at 10,900 soldiers with a
goal of 15,000 by 2020. Lt. Col. Thomas Carden, head of recruiting,
credits the Georgia environment for the success.

"Georgia is a patriotic state," Carden said. "You can't wear a
uniform to many towns and eat in a restaurant over three times
without somebody trying to buy your meal. We just have great
Americans in Georgia."

Recruiting bonuses are important, he concedes, along with educational
and training benefits.

"But a young man and woman who raises their hand in 2008 are special
and, for the most part, they're not doing it for the money," Carden
said. "They know they likely will have to deploy somewhere to a
hostile environment and be separated from their families. I don't
think $20,000 is enough. I may be an idealist, but they just want to
serve. They want to be part of something bigger than they are."

Hamilton is optimistic about reaching the Georgia Air Guard's goal of
being fully manned. One reason is the addition of two new recruiters.
Another is the strong retention rate.

"Our retention rate is 92 percent now," he said. "That means once we
get people, we usually keep them."

Family tradition is also important. "We see a lot of people from the
same families," the senior non-commissioned officer noted. "For
example, we have a unit in Savannah with five people from the same
family. Those families have been with us a long time and they're
familiar with serving. They understand you can get your education
paid for or get a skill they can use."

Carden, based in Atlanta, said Georgians make his job easy. "Less
than 1 percent of the population in the U.S. eligible to serve in the
military ever put on the uniform," he said. "So it's powerful that we
have so many kids in Georgia who are stepping up. They're important.
They're special."
--

To contact writer Gene Rector, call 923-3109, extension 239.

.

Saturday, September 20, 2008

Public Military Academies: Prep Schools? Or Blatant Recruitment Pools?

Public Military Academies: Prep Schools? Or Blatant Recruitment Pools?

http://www.alternet.org/waroniraq/99410/

By Allen McDuffee, In These Times
September 19, 2008.

Public school systems are increasingly opening their doors to
military academies -- primarily in poor urban areas.
--

Matthew Hartman had every intention of enlisting in the Army directly
after his graduation in two years. But it was Col. Sterling Stokes
and his military staff who convinced Hartman that college, not the
battlefield, was a better option. At least for now.

"They persuaded me that there is always time to serve my country and
that maybe I would be able to serve even better if I went to college
first," Hartman, 16, says.

The Richmond, Va., native is a junior at the Franklin Military
Academy in Richmond, where Stokes is principal. He earned the highest
score on the 2008 National Chemistry Olympiad in his school, and is
the type of student college admissions counselors would like to see
among their applicants.

But for Cadet Hartman, the military seemed like a natural progression.

Academies like Franklin Military are part of the country's rapidly
expanding Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps (JROTC) program. The
academies are exclusively JROTC and the Department of Defense helps
fund them -- part of a growing trend to introduce military schools
into the public school system in primarily poor urban areas where
many school systems are struggling, if not failing.

These academies aren't boot camps for delinquents. There is no
compulsory military service upon graduation. And they're not the
realization of the Bush administration's machinations. In fact,
administrators insist the academies are college prep schools.

But for many, the evidence isn't so clear. Critics like Darlene
Graminga, of the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), a Quaker
pacifist organization, suggest that cases like Hartman's are few and
far between, and that the military academies are a veiled attempt to
recruit American youth.

Graminga, program director of the group's Truth in Recruiting
Program, says, "I hardly doubt that it's a coincidence that these
schools are prospering at a time of war."

Despite such concerns, public military academies are wildly popular
among many parents and students.

Chicago -- with more academies than any other city -- can't build
them fast enough. Chicago's sixth academy will open this fall. In
all, the city has one-third of the country's academies.

Each year, the Chicago Public Schools accepts only about 10 percent
of academy applicants. For the 2007-2008 school year, approximately
7,500 students applied for 700 openings in the freshman class.

Extending JROTC

Military academies are part of the JROTC program that began in 1916.
Former Secretary of State and retired Gen. Colin Powell is credited
with advancing JROTC in its current form, in part by influencing
then-President George H.W. Bush in 1992 to more than double the size
of the program, from 1,500 JROTC programs to 3,500.

In his book, My American Journey, Powell wrote: "Inner-city kids,
many from broken homes, found stability and role models in Junior
ROTC. They got a taste of discipline, the work ethic, and they
experienced pride of membership in something healthier than a gang. …
Junior ROTC is a social bargain."

In Virginia, the Richmond School Board and its Superintendent Richard
Hunter conceptualized Franklin Military Academy -- the country's
first secondary military academy -- on the heels of the Vietnam War
in the late '70s. It opened its doors to 130 freshmen in the fall of 1980.

The following year, academies opened in St. Louis and Sandy Hook,
N.J. After a 16-year gap, the Kenosha Military Academy in Wisconsin
was built in 1998. Since then, the academies have grown at a rate of
one to two a year.

"Students have to make the choice on their own to be here," says
Stokes, Franklin's principal.

Once a student makes that first step, the application process is
rigorous, including an interview and a written commitment from the
parents, as well as the student.

Motivated

"We're aiming at kids who aren't in trouble but who aren't fully
realizing their potential, either," says Ozzie Wright, principal of
the Philadelphia Military Academy. "We often see kids who have all
the makings of being good students, but have very unstable home lives
because of economics and family structures. We can make a difference
in these students' lives."

Elaine Macon-Johnson, who is in her fourth year at Franklin, teaches
technology and business. She had arrived at the academy unwillingly,
as part of a job reassignment, doubting whether public military
academies should even exist. After a few years at Franklin, she says
she became a convert.

"All I have to do is teach now," Macon-Johnson says. "Before, I would
have to spend so much time as disciplinarian." These days, she says,
"I don't have behavior problems. And on the rare occasion that
something does happen, it's somebody else's job to take care of, not mine."

Many academy teachers, most of whom don't have military backgrounds,
say they feel the same way. Walking down the hallway in between
classes, military instructor Sgt. Gary McCray says, "Look at this.
When you were in school, did you ever see it so calm?" referring to
the students quietly moving from one class to another, conversing.
"Everybody is so relaxed," McCray says.

Roberto Rodriguez, a first-year Marine Military Academy cadet, says,
"I like that we could become leaders and we know every student. No
bullies, none of that, so it's real cool."

Students attending the military academies are required to take one
four-year military-related course. The JROTC curriculum includes
military history, military protocol, civics and physical fitness.
Students often participate in drill team, color guard and
extracurricular activities, such as rock climbing and traveling. Some
schools arrange an international trip each year for a limited number
of students, and nearly all the academies send a large number of
students to the Army-Navy football game each year. For the many
students who have never been out of state -- even out of their city
-- this is an appealing perk.

Recruitment factories?

As part of the 1916 National Defense Act, JROTC was created to
prepare American youth to fight in World War I, if needed. And JROTC
falls under the recruitment section of the Pentagon's budget.

Principals are quick to say that they are not asked to boost the
numbers of graduating students who enlist. Stokes says, "It's not
like we have been given [an enlistment] quota here."

But in February 2000, former Secretary of Defense William Cohen told
the House Armed Services Committee that JROTC is "one of the best
recruiting devices we could have." And Powell wrote in My American
Journey, "Liberal school administrators and teachers claimed that we
were trying to 'militarize' education. Yes, I'll admit, the armed
forces might get a youngster more inclined to enlist as a result of
Junior ROTC. But society got a far greater payoff."

In a difficult period for military recruiters, the Pentagon is
expected to spend $20.5 billion in 2009 on recruiting, some of which
will be distributed to JROTC. Pauline Lipman, a professor of
education at the University of Illinois at Chicago, told PBS in
December 2007, "It would be really naive to think that the military
would, in fact, be expanding these schools and these programs and
pouring millions of dollars into the schools at a time when they
actually are having a recruitment crisis, if the schools were not
about recruiting students."

The Army has tried to accommodate its recruitment woes by reducing
its annual recruitment goal, raising the maximum enlistment age from
35 to 42, lowering mental aptitude standards, and welcoming in the
overweight, the physically injured and formerly convicted.

Military statistics over the last two decades indicate that 30
percent to 55 percent of JROTC students eventually enlist. The
military academies, however, maintain that their enlistment rates
after graduation ranges between 4 percent and 10 percent.

"If the Defense Department is looking to us for recruitment, then
they are making a bad investment," says Wright, the principal at
Philadelphia Military Academy.

But the numbers are inconclusive, if not misleading. The academies
collect their data through exit interviews with graduating students.
If a student goes directly into the military upon graduation -- and
the student has made that decision at the time of filling out the
questionnaire -- he or she would be part of that 4 percent-to-10
percent pool. However, if he or she doesn't directly enlist and
instead, for example, goes to college on a ROTC scholarship, then the
academies, like other public high schools, don't have the mechanisms
in place to track the student after graduation.

Ambiguities

Hugh Price, senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, once
advocated using the military's discipline to help at-risk youth. As
vice president of the Rockefeller Foundation from 1988 until 1994, he
helped conceive and launch the quasi-military program for school
dropouts that came to be known as the National Guard Youth ChalleNGe Program.

Price says he now thinks that schools have better options than a
military presence. He wants to demilitarize public education and
wonders whether the government can "find a way to make the attributes
of the military model generic? Can it be done without the military?
We need to find a way to help the struggling youth of America without
funding from the military."

Under the Bush administration's No Child Left Behind Act, any school
that receives federal funding must allow access to military
recruiters. One of the military instructors at Franklin boasts that
the school had a good relationship with the area recruiters. "Oh
yeah," he says, "We see them all the time."

The academies often bill themselves as college prep schools. And
looking at the schools and the learning environments, it appears they
are making a difference in the students' lives. Arne Duncan, CEO of
the Chicago Public Schools system, boasts that the city's military
academies have a 94 percent graduation rate versus the district
average of 84 percent.

But Oskar Castro, national coordinator of the AFSC's Youth &
Militarism program, isn't convinced.

"Where is the evidence?" he asks. "So many of these schools are so
new, and they claim that it's too early to tell [whether a school is
successful], so why are we still building them if we don't know?"

And the AFSC's Graminga argues that the academies don't produce
better results than other schools that are part of the small charter
school programs, currently en vogue among public school leaders in
large, urban environments.

"We have seen small schools projects be successful and the successes
that are related to the military academies are in line with that,"
she says. "But there doesn't seem to be anything inherent to the
military academies that leads us to say, 'Now, they've got the answer!' "

If Graminga is right, that might explain the success at Franklin
Military, which has less than 500 students and an exceptionally low
15 to 1, student-teacher ratio.

Opportunity knocks

Powell and others argue that the military has historically given
opportunities to those who have limited options. But making that
argument also acknowledges that the military uses the academies as a
recruiting tool. And given the academies' demographics and the
destruction of the GI Bill, which once provided funding for a college
education, one can reasonably ask whether the Department of Defense
is truly concerned with sending poor black and Latino kids to college.

In Richmond, Franklin Military consistently accommodates a 95 percent
African-American student body in a city that, according to the 2006
census, has a population of which 20 percent exist below the poverty
line and 54 percent are African-American.

Academy administrators maintain that these are the realities of urban
America. Philadelphia Military's Wright says, "The wealthier families
in cities have the advantage of sending their children to private
schools and a certain portion will go to the better public schools.
But in cities, we know we are facing a particular demographic."

The military, he adds, has a "history of providing opportunities" to
underprivileged sectors of society.

If interest by school districts in military-sponsored education is
any indication, we can expect to see a tremendous growth in the
number of academies. What is less clear is whether the military
academies would be considered successful if the public school systems
in these urban areas were doing an adequate job.

"If the military branches are formally involved as sponsors,
operators and funders," says Price, "it is naive to expect them to
resist the temptation to [use] these programs as a recruitment
pipeline. If anything, given global conditions, the pressure on them
to do so probably will intensify instead of subside."
--

Allen McDuffee writes about politics and Middle East affairs. He
blogs at governmentalityblog.com and is currently working on a book
project, No Child Left Unrecruited. He lives in Brooklyn.

.

Friday, September 19, 2008

Weakened Warriors: When the Military Gets Combat Fatigue

Weakened Warriors:
When the Military Gets Combat Fatigue

http://www.truthout.org/article/weakened-warriors-when-military-gets-combat-fatigue

http://www.motherjones.com/news/feature/2008/09/exit-strategy-weakened-warriors.html

Friday 12 September 2008
by: Bruce Falconer, Mother Jones

September/October 2008 Issue

Has the Bush administration maxed out the military?

That the Bush presidency has placed an enormous strain on the
nation's armed forces is hardly news. (The "active army is about
broken," Colin Powell told CBS's Face the Nation as far back as
2006.) Less frequently noted are the long-term consequences of Iraq
and Afghanistan for the military - consequences that could last, many
experts now say, for a generation or more. Five signs of a military in trouble:

Operation Overload

"We've got too much war and too few warriors," says Andrew
Bacevich, a West Point graduate and Vietnam vet who is now a
professor of international relations at Boston University. "The
contingencies in Iraq and Afghanistan are consuming the Army and Marine Corps."

Indeed, Army combat units now spend 15 months in theater for
every 12 months at home, while the Marines, a far smaller force,
deploy at the brisker pace of seven months in, seven months out.
(Soldiers would ideally spend a minimum of two months at home for
every one in the field, according to Pentagon planners.) And the same
personnel are deployed over and over again to Iraq and Afghanistan -
sometimes against their will, thanks to "stop loss" orders that
extend their tours. Or, says T.X. Hammes, a retired Marine colonel
and Iraq War veteran, "A guy can deploy with a brigade, spend 15
months in Iraq, then come home and 6 months later be transferred to
another unit that is deploying to Iraq for 12 to 15 months." About 80
percent of National Guard and Reserve troops have been deployed to
Iraq and Afghanistan at least once; Lt. General Steven Blum, chief of
the National Guard, has said his force is "in an even more dire
situation than the active military."

The Army has even sought "sandbox sailors" from the Navy, one of
whom told a reporter, "I was trained for 22 years to go to war on a
ship. But they gave me a rifle and a pair of boots and said, 'Go to the sand.'"

Spare a Tank, Brother?

The approximately 30,000 combat vehicles and 500 helicopters the
Army and Marine Corps have deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan are
operating at between three and six times their peacetime tempo,
reports the Congressional Budget Office, and the harsh desert heat
and blown sand further increase the wear and tear. Stateside units,
meanwhile, are scrambling for vital gear - a particular problem for
National Guard and Reserve forces. Kansas governor Kathleen Sebelius
cited shortages of Humvees and trucks as an impediment to the
recovery effort after a tornado leveled the town of Greensburg in May
2007. "We're missing all kinds of equipment that could help us
respond to this kind of emergency."

The Congressional Research Service has noted that the shortage
also forces soldiers to train with different gear than they use in
the field. "If somebody says, 'Why don't you guys drive around on
trucks and pretend they're tanks?' one could still gain some value
from using substitute equipment," says Bacevich. "But you lose
something if you're not on the real stuff, doing the real deal."

O Captain!

To meet current operational demands, the Army intends to expand
by 65,000 troops in the next several years - growth that will require
commissioning new junior officers, whose retention serves as a
barometer of the overall health of the military. "We are very
concerned about one subset of the population, and that is the young
captains, of whom we've asked a great deal," General David Petraeus
acknowledged to a congressional panel in April. Among junior
officers, the attrition rate stood at just 5.7 percent in 2003. By
2005, it reached a high of 8.5 percent before trailing off slightly,
thanks in part to new cash and educational incentives. Still,
Pentagon planners say, the Army has roughly half the number of senior
captains it requires, and at current levels of recruitment and
retention, expects to be short about 3,000 captains and majors until
at least 2013. To fill the void, it has accelerated the rate at which
lieutenants can make captain, and competition for senior officer
posts has slackened. Today, almost all captains are promoted to major
as soon as they become eligible. As one disgruntled officer told the
Washington Monthly, "If you breathe, you make lieutenant colonel these days."

A Few Mediocre Men

As the military has lowered its promotion standards, it has
taken a similar approach toward recruiting. Desperate for manpower,
the services have increasingly accepted recruits with criminal
records. Since 2004, the number of "moral waivers" granted to
enlistees - excusing a range of criminal misconduct, from breaking
and entering to aggravated assault - has more than doubled.
Recruiters are even "knowingly allowing neo-Nazis and white
supremacists to join the armed forces," a Pentagon investigator told
the Southern Poverty Law Center in 2006.

The Army has also lowered its academic standards: According to a
2008 study by the National Priorities Project, a nonprofit,
nonpartisan research group that tracks federal spending, the
percentage of recruits with high school diplomas has fallen for three
consecutive years, and the number of recruits scoring in the upper
half of the Armed Forces Qualification Test, those described by the
Pentagon as "high quality," has dropped nearly 25 percent since 2004.

Head Wounds

By last spring, post-traumatic stress disorder had become so
prevalent among troops who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan that
Defense Secretary Robert Gates said the Pentagon was considering
listing it as a "qualifying wound" for the Purple Heart. One in five
returning soldiers has reported ptsd symptoms, according to a recent
study by the Rand Corporation, but fewer than half of them received
treatment. (See "Kill and Tell") Long term, caring for Iraq and
Afghanistan vets (including disability payments) will cost nearly
$400 billion, Joseph Stiglitz and Linda Bilmes predict in their
recent book, The Three Trillion Dollar War.

Things are bound to get worse as pressure on soldiers keeps
rising: One in five troops in Iraq and Afghanistan exhibits symptoms
of depression, anxiety, or acute stress, according to a 2006 Pentagon
study, and soldier suicides have risen 72 percent since 2004 to 115
last year, an all-time record. Nonetheless, in 2006, the Pentagon
determined ptsd to be a "treatable" disorder, enabling the brass to
deploy sufferers back to the front lines. According to the Hartford
Courant, one of them, after being declared unfit for duty and placed
on suicide watch in Walter Reed's psych ward, was redeployed to the
Middle East, where he wrote in an email to his family, "I ask myself
what the F*** am I doing here?"
--

Bruce Falconer is a reporter at the Mother Jones Washington, DC, Bureau.

.