Thursday, July 31, 2008

Strained by war, U.S. Army promotes unqualified soldiers

Strained by war, U.S. Army promotes unqualified soldiers

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2008/07/30/sergeants/index.html

A Salon investigation reveals that a shortage of skilled sergeants
has led to dubious promotions for inexperienced soldiers -- even
jeopardizing some operations in Iraq.

By Bill Sasser
7/30/08

FORT HOOD, Texas -- America's military commitment in Iraq and
Afghanistan is certain to remain a key issue in the presidential race
-- and soon that could include renewed focus on a "stretched thin"
U.S. Army. According to a Salon investigation, the Army is facing a
troubling shortage of qualified sergeants, the noncommissioned
officers considered to be the backbone of training and combat
operations. In fact, a new Army policy intended to boost this
critical leadership corps of NCOs has prompted a wave of promotions
for apparently unqualified soldiers -- and even jeopardized some
combat operations in Iraq.

In essence, an Army policy implemented in 2005 and expanded this year
lowered the bar for enlisted soldiers with the rank of E-4 to gain
the rank of sergeant, or E-5, by diminishing the vetting process.
According to more than a half dozen current and former Army sergeants
interviewed by Salon, the policy has produced sergeants who are not
ready to lead. In some cases, soldiers were promoted even after being
denied advancement by their own unit commanders. While awarding a
promotion once required effort on the part of a commander, those
interviewed say, the Army's current policy actually requires effort
to prevent a promotion, and has had negative consequences on the battlefield.

A sergeant interviewed recently at Ft. Hood for this article
recounted how he watched his commander feed the promotion papers for
one E-4 through a shredder shortly before their unit deployed to Iraq
in 2006. After two months in the field, that solider and another E-4
who had also been passed over for promotion were automatically
promoted to sergeant anyway, despite their commander's earlier
judgment. Problems soon arose during a combat patrol involving
"action on contact," an encounter with the enemy in which fire is
exchanged. "These two NCOs were immature and not ready as far as
leading other soldiers, and there were some 'oh shit' moments," said
the sergeant, who asked not to be identified and declined to provide
specific details about the combat incident because of security
restrictions. "We had to have a powwow and pull back on what was
going on. Fortunately, no casualties occurred."

The newly promoted E-5s, he said, also had problems with calling in
reports from the field -- which, in a combat scenario, could involve
such life and death decisions as requesting suppressive fire or
determining if an area is safe for medical helicopters to land. "We
had to spend a lot of time counseling and mentoring these new E5s in
the field," he said. "They have their sergeant rank and they still
have a lot to learn."

Sgt. Colin Sesek, a medic in the 82nd Airborne Division who returned
from a 15-month deployment to Iraq in November 2007, said automatic
promotions affected both the morale and effectiveness of medical
units in which he served and in combat units he observed. "There was
an E-4 in my platoon who was very disorganized and didn't care about
anyone else -- he always delegated down the line, even when it was
his job to do," said Sesek. "I'm trying to think of the civilian
equivalent of how to describe him -- 'shit bag' is what we called
him. He had been in the Army for a while and boom, he got paper
boarded" -- a term referring to the Army's expedited promotions
process. "When I heard he got promoted I said, yep, that's the only
way he would have gotten it."

Sesek said the promotion had wider effects within his unit, as other
platoon leaders followed this example and began promoting their own
E4s without hesitation. "In infantry platoons, too, I saw people get
promoted who shouldn't have been. The squad leaders told me, 'Well,
if that screwup in that platoon got promoted, then we'll promote ours too.'"

After six years of war, with multiple tours of duty commonplace, the
Army continues struggling to retain and recruit quality soldiers.
After failing to meet its recruitment goals in 2005, the Army
undertook measures to boost its numbers, with some success. That
included stop-loss orders (compulsory postponement of retirements),
bonuses of up to $50,000 for re-enlisting, and the loosening of
standards on criminal backgrounds, education and age. It also began
automatically promoting enlisted personnel with the rank of E-4 to
sergeant, or E-5 in the Army's hierarchy of service ranks, based on a
soldier's time in service, while waiving a requirement that
candidates for E-5 appear before a promotions board.

Under the current policy, after 48 months of service E-4s serving in
military specialties with shortages are automatically placed on a
promotions list. Although a soldier's name can be removed by his or
her commander, each month that soldier's name is placed back on the
list. This was termed "automatic list integration" by the Army (or
what the soldiers call "paper boarding"). This April, the policy was
expanded to include promotions to staff sergeant, or E-6.

Sgt. Selena Coppa, a communications specialist in the 105th Military
Intelligence Battalion, said she has noted a marked lowering of
standards for E-4s being promoted to sergeant. "The doctrine now is
that you just need to be trainable, and people who are not competent
and not good leadership material are being promoted," said Coppa, who
has expressed her concerns through unit performance surveys and
spoken directly to her superiors. "A sergeant major told me, 'Yes,
you're right, but there's nothing I can do about it.'"

Lt. Col. Anne Edgecomb, branch chief for the Army personnel team at
the Department of Defense, explained in an interview with Salon that
the Army was short 1,549 sergeants, mostly in combat occupations,
when the policy was implemented in February 2005. It has reduced the
number of NCO occupational specialties with shortages by 74 percent
since then, according to Edgecomb. She added that in many cases
promotions are awarded to E-4s who, due to manpower shortages, are
already doing the work of E-5s. "The policy does not change Army
standards for promotion," said Edgecomb. "Commanders have the
responsibility to stop a potential promotion when they determine a
soldier is not trained or is in some way unqualified in accordance
with standards."

Perhaps no part of the U.S. military has carried as heavy a burden in
Iraq as Army sergeants, who directly train, mentor, discipline and
lead boots-on-the-ground soldiers. After years of war, many of the
Army's most experienced sergeants have retired, left the service,
transferred to noncombat posts, or are recovering from battlefield injuries.

"Army NCOs lead on a very personal level and are the backbone of how
the U.S. Army is run," says Lt. Col. Gian Gentile, a former commander
in the 4th Infantry Division who teaches military history at West
Point. "In combat specialties such as armor and infantry, doing two
to three tours is having an effect on NCOs. They have been through a
lot and it puts tremendous stress on them and their families."

The current promotion policy is causing some doubts and bitterness
among veteran NCOs. "If these guys don't work for it and you give it
to them, we're not making leaders, we're making stripe wearers," says
Staff Sgt. Charles Bunyard, a senior scout in the 1st Cavalry
Division at Ft. Hood who commands a unit of Bradley fighting vehicles.

Bunyard has over 15 years of service in the Army, including two
deployments to Iraq, where he survived nearly a dozen IED blasts, was
grazed in the head by a sniper's bullet and broke a leg in three
places in a training accident. Sent home last year from Diyala
province after suffering a dislocated shoulder and a severe
concussion in an IED attack, he was diagnosed with post-traumatic
stress disorder and traumatic brain injury. But after five months of
recuperation, he was cleared by Army doctors to return to duty and
has volunteered for a third combat tour.

At Ft. Hood, Bunyard is spending 16-hour days training his squad of
new recruits for their first deployment later this year. Married and
the father of five children, several months ago he stopped going to
his scheduled doctor and therapy appointments, which he says
interfered with his duties. "I have a large responsibility to these
guys, and when I'm gone I'm cheating them out of leadership and ways
to learn better," said Bunyard, who still has memory problems and
sometimes speaks with a slur as a result of his brain injury.

While the Army needs thousands of new NCOs to replenish the existing
ranks, thousands more are also needed as the force expands. The Army
plans to add 65,000 soldiers to its ranks by 2010, as declared by
President Bush in his State of the Union Address in January 2007.

Quality and morale issues notwithstanding, official figures from the
Defense Department on re-enlistment show that the Army has exceeded
its retention goals for the past three years. But the planned
expansion will only increase the Army's need for NCOs and junior
officers, who have also been leaving the military in waves. A
shortage of qualified NCOs is tied to a shortage of junior officers,
as many of the latter choose not to re-enlist, says Gentile. "The
Army has holes in its officer corps as well, and enlisted soldiers
who would have become NCOs -- the cream of the crop -- are going to
Officer Candidate School rather than becoming sergeants," he
explained. According to Gentile, who served two combat tours in Iraq,
it's now not uncommon to see 26-year-olds with seven years of service
who are sergeants first class in charge of a platoon of 30 soldiers.
Before the war, he says, achieving that rank would have taken twice as long.

Some military experts doubt the force's capability at present,
particularly if it is needed to perform on a third war front. Two
former undersecretaries of defense for personnel question the ability
of the all-volunteer Army to meet its manpower needs in coming years.
"Our volunteer Army was not set up to fight a long war," says
Lawrence Korb, who served in that role in the Reagan administration.
"The idea was that an active Army would fight when needed and the
National Guard and Reserve were on standby as a ready reserve.
They've all been in constant rotation for over five years, and we no
longer have a reserve. What we're doing is mortgaging the future of
our Army." Edward Dorn, who served in the Clinton administration,
sees trouble on the horizon. "I think an increase of 65,000 by 2010
is out of reach with a volunteer force, unless you have a very
significant downturn in the economy," he said.

Not all E-4s are eager for automatic promotions to sergeant,
according to Bandon Neely, who served in a military police battalion
at Ft. Hood before leaving the service May 2005. When the policy
began in 2005, the Army also had begun to impose stop-loss orders to
prevent sergeants from leaving the service, "so a lot of E-4s did not
want it," Neely said. "Guys were being put up for promotion who
refused to take it."

Patrick Campbell, a sergeant in the District of Columbia's National
Guard who was recently awarded an automatic promotion, said he has
seen both the benefits and drawbacks of the policy. Campbell, who
served as a combat medic in Iraq in 2004 to 2005, said battlefield
experience quickly turned new sergeants into competent leaders.
"Being in combat forces you to learn fast -- your life depends on
it," he said. "At the same time, leadership training is needed but
it's being delayed because of the pressure of deployments. If you
promote people without training, what does it mean to be a sergeant?"

John Hagedorn, a sergeant who served in 2007 as a forward observer in
the 82nd Airborne Division assigned to an artillery unit in Tikrit,
said the high rate of NCO promotions disrupted the chain of command
in the platoons to which he was attached. Out of 70 personnel in
three platoons, only five soldiers returned without having been
promoted to sergeant, he said.

"The artillery soldiers I was assigned to would normally be operating
105-mm Howitzer canons, but most of them had no idea how to fire
one," said Hagedon, 23, who served 15 months in Iraq under stop-loss
orders and left the Army after his return in 2007. "The guys who were
promoted to E-5 would normally be the crew chief in charge of one of
these guns, and when they came home they were thrust into the
position where they were untrained in their mission. They would be
transferred to other posts and would get somewhere else and not know
how to use the gun."

Sgt. Hagedon's experience points to a problem documented by an
internal Pentagon report co-authored this year by Lt. Col. Gentile.
The report, which raises concerns that the Army's current focus on
counterinsurgency has weakened its ability to fight conventional
wars, cites among other statistics that 90 percent of Army artillery
units are unqualified to fire their weapons accurately -- the lowest
rating in history.

In Iraq, Sgt. Hagedon said, "All those promotions lessened the
significance of being in a position of leadership. It brought junior
leaders down to Joe Private level and stole thunder from the older
NCOs, who didn't like seeing all these young guys getting promoted so fast."

Hagedon said consideration of leadership potential played no part in
the promotion process, as the new policy created pressure on senior
sergeants to promote, regardless of performance. "If all the other
E4s are getting promoted, it will look bad if you don't promote your
guy," he said. "And if everyone else is getting it, they don't want
to cut an E4 out of the pay raise you get -- $200 a month."

The result in the platoons he observed was a breakdown in the chain
of command, which followed the soldiers home: "There was really no
difference between the enlisted guys and the junior leadership [in
Iraq]. They're hanging out together, being buddies, not like back in
the U.S. where the NCOs are constantly correcting soldiers of a
lesser rank. Then you come home to a training environment like Ft.
Bragg and it's a problem. You can't be hanging out drinking beer with
the enlisted guys one night and chewing their ass out the next
morning. You end up showing favoritism."

Such concerns may be exacerbating morale problems caused by multiple
deployments. In Hagedon's own platoon of forward observers from the
82nd Airborne, only two out of 12 sergeants chose to remain in the
Army when their enlistment ended.

Sgt. Major Tom Gills, chief of Army enlisted promotions, says that
the current policy has returned promotion rates to what the Army had
prior to the end of the Cold War. "Over the years, individual units
had adopted their own standards that were higher than official
standards," he said. "A lower and lower percentage of soldiers were
going before promotion boards. Through the 1980s, 25 percent of
soldiers were going up for promotion, while until recently only 5
percent were coming up for promotion."

But Andrew Bacevich, a retired Army colonel who served in Vietnam and
now teaches U.S. military history and foreign policy at Boston
University, said soldiers in the all-volunteer Army will continue to
be overtaxed, even with the planned expansion. The strength and
morale of noncommissioned officers, he said, has always been a
critical measure of the Army. "When the Army began to fall apart
during Vietnam one of the red flags was the deterioration of the NCO
corps," said Bacevich. "Experienced NCOs began leaving in large
numbers, and the Army tried to make up for it with 'shake and bake
NCOs' -- enlisted men who went through a 90-day school. It didn't
work very well and it didn't stop the erosion."

Bacevich, whose son, 1st Lt. Andrew J. Bacevich, served in the 1st
Cavalry Division and was killed in Iraq in 2007, added, "We don't
have an Army that is large enough to continue with this sustained
rate of deployment, particularly if some other conflict arises
elsewhere. The best solution I see is to lessen our commitments abroad."

.

California Guard recruiters investigated

Suspect Soldiers:
California National Guard scrutinizes recruiter offenses

http://www.sacbee.com/101/story/1112192.html

By Russell Carollo - rcarollo@sacbee.com
July 27, 2008

Dozens of California National Guard recruiters and support staff were
punished or remain under investigation for a variety of offenses that
include forging criminal and other enlistment records, The Bee has learned.

One recruiter who worked out of the Roseville office told The Bee she
was demoted after processing a recruit with a domestic violence
conviction and fabricating a physical exam for another applicant. She
said she felt pressured to meet quotas and that two other recruiters
helped her.

Statewide, 48 recruiters, supervisors and support staff were
investigated, and in 27 cases the allegations were deemed to be
valid. Punishment ranged from demotions to reprimands.

Nine investigations are pending, six involving fraudulent enlistment
practices, and two other cases were handled by civilian authorities,
one for alleged possession of pornography and another for alleged sex
with a minor in the Fresno area. Ten cases were deemed unfounded.

The California National Guard has about 530 people in its recruiting
command, with well over half of them recruiters and supervisors. The
majority of those targeted for investigation were recruiters and supervisors.

A few of the investigations date back two years or more, but the vast
majority occurred after March 2007, when Col. Diana L. Bodner, an
Iraq war and military police veteran, took command of California
Guard recruiters.

"These (investigations) are our problems. We embraced them, and she
(Bodner) is aggressive about going after them," Guard spokesman Lt.
Col. Jon Siepmann said on Thursday.

Bodner told The Bee on Friday that the number of cases reflect what
she called her "command philosophy of intolerance."

"It's important that we do it right," she said. "The American public
is trusting us with their sons and daughters. … My message is loud
and clear: Do the hard right (thing) over the easy wrong."

Bodner said recruiting for the Guard is different from recruiting for
the regular services because the Guard has closer links to the
community and recruits often are able to continue to hold down a
civilian job. She said the California National Guard has had no
problem finding qualified applicants.

"There's not a need to bring people in with questionable
backgrounds," she said.

All of the military cases were handled administratively, and none was
sent to courts-martial, where the military's most serious cases are heard.

A tip about the Guard investigations came within days of The Bee's
publication of a four-part series, "Suspect Soldiers." That
examination of 250 military personnel from across the country
identified 120 with questionable backgrounds, including criminal
histories, and linked 70 of them to incidents in the military, most
occurring in Iraq.

The soldiers and Marines examined by The Bee were recruited or
retained as the armed services, entering the sixth year of the Iraq
war, lowered educational, age and moral standards and granted an
increasing number of waivers to applicants whose backgrounds would
otherwise have barred them from serving.

Siepmann said some in the California Guard welcomed disclosures made
in The Bee's series.

"Some of us around here don't like the idea that people think that
sending people to Iraq turns them into criminals," he said. "We tend
not to believe that. We tend to believe that they were probably
criminals before they ever showed up in the military."

The Bee series also reported that the percentage of Army recruits
receiving criminal waivers has more than doubled, from 4.6 percent in
2003 to 11.2 percent in 2007.

In December, however, the National Guard quit granting felony
waivers. The Guard's chief recruiting officer, Col. Mike Jones, was
quoted in the Army Times as calling the previous policy "a risk," but
he later told The Bee that an increased number of applicants had made
the policy no longer necessary.

Bodner said the California National Guard quit granting felony
waivers two months earlier, in October. During fiscal 2007, she said,
the Guard granted 1,062 waivers of various types. So far this fiscal
year – beginning Oct. 1 – it has granted 626.

The California Guard, Bodner said, has recruited about 2,800 soldiers
since October, and it rejected 121 applicants who would have required waivers.

Several of the investigations by the California Guard, The Bee
learned, involved personnel attached to the Roseville recruiting office.

"I made (up a record for) a physical for somebody to get in. I didn't
have time to get him down to get a physical," said Cassandra Holmes,
adding that she was demoted from staff sergeant to specialist for her
offenses. "They had to put somebody in by the end of the month, and I
didn't have time to do that. And so I made a physical for him."

Holmes said she also was accused of recruiting someone with a
conviction for domestic violence. Asked why she didn't try to obtain
a waiver for the applicant, she said, "It's non-waiverable."

The Guard, Holmes said, also transferred her to Stockton as part of
her punishment, forcing her to drive 75 miles one-way to work.
Holmes, who has been a recruiter only two years, said two other
recruiters were investigated for helping her.

"They are veteran recruiters, and they helped me do what I did," she said.

The two other recruiters she referenced did not return telephone
calls from The Bee, and though the Guard acknowledged that other
recruiters and staff were under investigation, it would not say where
they worked.

Holmes and several other former and current members of the recruiting
command reached by The Bee blamed the investigations on the intense
pressure put on recruiters.

Guard officials acknowledged that recruiters are required to enlist
two applicants a month in order to "make mission," and recruiters are
offered bonuses of up to thousands of dollars for successfully
recruiting greater numbers of people.

"And if you don't put your numbers in, they put you on what's called
the 'Production Improvement Plan,' which means you work 12 hours a
day, Monday through Friday," Holmes said. "It's too much stress and
too much pressure. I was on it (the plan) for a while."

Bodner acknowledged that the Guard has a Production Improvement Plan,
which she said is administered by supervisors and can involve more
training and hours to help recruits become better at their jobs.

Holmes said recruiting is not as easy as some Guard officials may claim.

"It's really hard to find somebody who's clean with no background,
all the stuff we're not allowed to put in," she said. "All they care
about is the numbers."
--

About the writer:
Call The Bee's Russell Carollo, (916) 321-1178.

.

HBO spotlights Army recruiting

[3 articles]

HBO spotlights Army recruiting

http://www.recordonline.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20080728/NEWS/807280319

Bear Mountain Company featured

By Alexa James
Times Herald-Record
July 28, 2008

MIDDLETOWN ­ Cut to a college fair in Houma, La. The high school
assembly is packed with parents and teens. A university flack ends
his sales pitch, then it's Sgt. 1st Class Clay Usie's turn.

As the Army recruiter begins his introduction, the crowd clears,
rattling chairs and gabbing on the way out, leaving the guy in the
uniform looking like the hired singer at a cocktail party.

Cut back to the Army recruiting office in Middletown, where watching
that scene play on a flat-screen television is just as awkward now as
it must have been a few years ago, when "The Recruiter" was filmed.
Bear Mountain Recruiting Company soldiers pre-screened the
documentary last week.

"I was quite surprised," said the company commander, Capt. Daniel
Tower, 27, of Massachusetts. "I actually liked it."

The 90-minute film spotlights one of the Army's most prolific
recruiters and follows four of his new enlistees through basic
training and up to their first deployments.

Department of Defense data shows that 1.1 million Americans are
currently serving in the Army. That's less than .4 percent of the population.

Most people, the recruiters said, get their military intelligence
from news bites and movies.

Recent films about the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, such as
"Stop-Loss," about soldiers' involuntary active duty service
extensions, and "In the Valley of Elah," about returning soldiers'
post-traumatic stress, depict a war and a military that's coming apart.

And now a new HBO miniseries dubbed "Generation Kill" traces the
invasion of Iraq through a lens of blood and political incorrectness.

But "The Recruiter," which debuts at 9 p.m. Monday on HBO, could
spread some useful footage for the Army's employers.

Tower said the teens who enlist from the rural towns outside New
Orleans are no different than those who join from the outskirts of
New York City.

They are high school standouts and misfits, too skinny and too fat.
They either like or hate their parents. Recruiters say much of their
time is spent educating candidates about today's changing military.

"You don't come out of high school and raise your right hand and
become a soldier," said Staff Sgt. John Hand, 24, of Chester. "I'm
still learning what it means to be a soldier."

Hand joined a peace-time Army in January 2001. He returned from Iraq
in 2005 and started recruiting four years ago. He tries to sign up
two people a month. The company mission is 40.

The Army is on track this year to meet its annual goal of 80,000 new
faces by Sept. 30.

It's not all about the quotas, Hand said. A new recruit means "I've
changed somebody's life permanently. Whether they have a good
experience or a bad experience, it's my experience too."
--

ajames@th-record.com

--------

Saluting a Tough Job

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/07/27/AR2008072701979.html

On HBO, 'The Recruiter' Passes Muster

By Josh White
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, July 28, 2008

The sales pitch is a tough one: Leave your family and your home, go
through a grueling training program and then ship off to war -- where
you could come home without all your parts, or not come home at all.

For Sgt. 1st Class Clay Usie, recruiting young men and women to join
the Army is the "hardest job in America today." Support for the wars
in Iraq and Afghanistan has eroded, parents and teachers and coaches
are less likely to recommend the military as a career and fewer than
three in 10 young Americans are qualified to join.

But Usie, who believes his job is critical to defending the nation,
turns recruiting into a lifestyle, rising at 5 a.m. to lift weights
with candidates and to run with teenagers who struggle to make it two
miles. Usie is not only one of the nation's best recruiters -- he is
also a friend, a mentor, a cheerleader, a drill sergeant and, beneath
it all, a salesman.

"The Recruiter," an HBO documentary that premieres tonight, follows
Usie as he works in his home town of Houma, La. It is a touching
portrait of a man dedicated to serving his country but also a starkly
honest view of the nation's struggle with military service in a time of war.

Although focused on a small town in Louisiana, the story could take
place almost anywhere in the United States. Teenagers decide whether
to pursue dead-end jobs, a college education or the military, all the
while navigating the desires of their parents, some of whom
desperately want them to stabilize their lives while others fear
sending their children to violence halfway around the world.

"I'm sure Iraq is full of a bunch of nice people, but should my son
die for them?" asks one father and military veteran, whose son Bobby
could be college-bound but has dedicated himself to becoming an elite
Army Ranger. "That's the conflict I have."

The documentary is as much about Usie as it is about four young
recruits with dramatically different reasons for considering the
Army. In addition to Bobby: Lauren wants to emerge from poverty, and
her mother wants her to straighten out; Chris is enticed by financial
benefits; Matt idolizes Usie and his dedication to the country.

The United States is facing its toughest recruiting environment in
the history of the all-volunteer Army, with the armed services aiming
to grow at the same time they must fight two wars. In fiscal 2005,
when the film is set, the Army missed its annual goal of 80,000
recruits by about 10 percent. It got back on track but then missed
marks twice last year, as young Americans again were opting for other
types of work.

Likewise, during Usie's recruiting, Houma is hit with tragedy as six
Louisiana National Guardsmen are killed in January 2005, when a
roadside bomb rips through their Bradley Fighting Vehicle in Iraq.
The community, shaken -- as many are when casualties leap from the
faceless statistics in the news and hit close to home -- begins to
spurn the recruiters. People hang up the phones, candidates dwindle,
college fairs empty when Usie steps to the microphone.

At a memorial service for the dead, Usie assures a family member that
the Army is not going to quit. "Your son gave me everything," Usie
says. He then turns to one of the soldier's younger brothers and
begins his pitch anew, inviting him to come by the recruiting station
if he needs anything; Usie also wants to give him a new Army video game.

Another recruiter in the office says they're just doing their part
"to fill the foxholes in Iraq and Afghanistan." A veteran of Iraq,
the recruiter says he saw lots of people hurt on the battlefield,
noting grimly, "I don't like talking about stuff that I saw in Iraq."

In perhaps the most revealing element of the film, "The Recruiter"
moves past the courting phase and on to the Army's basic training
program, providing a rare glimpse inside Fort Jackson, S.C., and Fort
Benning, Ga. It strips almost all romance from the process,
highlighting a young recruit's panic attack -- "It happens quite a
bit," says one trainer -- endless sit-ups and push-ups, and the
sudden realization by some that this is all in preparation for going to war.

At the same time, the young recruits are inspiring, showing unbridled
enthusiasm and dedication to doing it right and defending the nation.
They leave their tearful loved ones behind to pursue a dirty, gritty,
dangerous job that does not promise survival. "The Recruiter"
captures all of this, not judging the teenagers' decisions but
careful in showing that none of it is easy -- for Usie, for the
families at home or for those who have chosen the Army as a way of life.

Bobby's father, tearing up and stumbling over his words, says he will
be thinking one thing when the time comes to take his son to the
airport: "Old men start wars that young men fight."

The Recruiter (90 minutes) debuts tonight at 9 on HBO.
--

Josh White is a military correspondent for The Post who was embedded
with U.S. troops in Iraq in 2004 and 2006.

--------

'The Recruiter'

http://www.houmatoday.com/article/20080727/ARTICLES/807270327

Film follows Houma soldier as he converts others to his belief in
military service

By Naomi King
Staff Writer
Published: Sunday, July 27, 2008

HOUMA -- Sgt. 1st Class Clay Usie of Houma has faced his share of
challenges, but he said he approached the mission of recruiting
soldiers during wartime with intensity and compassion.

A documentary set for release Monday on HBO follows the
now-33-year-old Usie as he prepares and trains four recruits in Houma
to become soldiers.

In the process, Usie became a mentor and motivator for many of the
recruits, including Cpl. Matthew Marks, an H.L. Bourgeois graduate
who has been on recruiting duty in Houma since May. Other featured
recruits include Terrebonne High graduate Bobby Barrios, Central
Lafourche High graduate Chris Daigle and H.L. Bourgeois graduate
Lauren Thorton.

Marks, now 21, said he still looks up to Usie. In the film, Usie
stands in Marks' wedding to high-school sweetheart Jessica.

Director Edet Belzberg, whose work has earned several awards, an
Oscar nomination and a spot in the Sundance Film Festival, said she
wanted to make a film that would help her understand why people join
the military and that would look at their lives before doing so.

"We can all remember being 17 and 18 and it's a really difficult time
and you are making difficult decisions and you want someone to help
and guide you," Belzberg said in a phone interview. "For me, it was
very important to understand and see the transition from teenager to
soldier. And the reason kids join is an important process, and to
understand for us in America, why our children are joining."

Living in New York at the start of the Iraq war, Belzberg said she
felt disconnected from the war while reading the names of fallen
soldiers in newspapers.

"Houma, when I would come there, I felt I was in a country at war.
You felt that everyone had some type of relationship with what's

happening," Belzberg said. "Those names, they were not anonymous to
me anymore. ...

"I hope that everyone would feel that connection to the people who
are serving, the families who are experiencing it."

Belzberg decided to focus on Houma-bred Usie because she read about
his earning the 2004 Army Times Soldier of the Year as the top
recruiter in his battalion and one of the best in the nation.

The documentary was shot over the course of a year, starting in 2004.

During his three years as a recruiter, Usie recruited 72 soldiers
when his quota was 30.

He has been in the military for nearly 13 years.

"I don't necessarily attribute success to how many guys I got to join
the army," Usie said. "I attribute it to how I served and represented
the Army."

Along with serving in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, Usie has served three
tours of duty in Afghanistan.

Usie said his success as a recruiter was not the result of incessant
pestering or slick sales pitches.

For Usie, the task was a mission that he wholeheartedly believes in.

"I was very forthright in my mission, no different than if I'm in a
mission in Afghanistan," Usie said. "We're an all-volunteer force,
and without the military recruiter, we do not have men and women who
stand in the ranks to protect."

Recruiting is not the easy desk job some people believe it is either,
he said. Most recruiters have served in combat, so they can give true
accounts to enlistees.

Usie said he never sugar-coated the realities of military life
because the recruits needed to make informed decisions.

Asked if he felt the film accurately portrayed him, Usie said it did,
for the most part.

"I feel that in certain situations that I was. In some situations,
all the food wasn't presented on the table," Usie said about each
recruit's circumstances and family life. "But the vast majority of
the film I think portrayed the reality of military recruiting."

Usie certainly didn't hold back. In the film, he has his frustrations.

"My convictions are strong and opinionated," Usie said. "I believe I
was called into service for a higher purpose."

His parents, Donna and Randy Usie, a Terrebonne Parish sheriff's
deputy, said they always knew their son was meant to be a soldier.

"Of course, during wartime it was a worry," Donna said about her son
joining in 1995. "I just know he was born to be a soldier."

Currently on leave, Usie's spending time with family and friends in
Houma before reporting for duty in August at Fort Benning, Ga., to
serve with the 75th Ranger Regiment.

Usie said he couldn't be as successful without the support of his
family -- including his wife, 34-year-old Tammy, and daughters,
15-year-old Kirstin and 14-year-old Randi.

In the film, he and Tammy must cancel a family vacation because of a
military event.

But as Usie explained, scheduling conflicts happen in any dual-career marriage.

But Tammy has always been his best battle buddy and has stood behind him.

At his parents' home near Coteau Road and La. 24 in Houma this week,
Usie sat in the living room filled with deer antlers, mounted fish
and family pictures.

In this relaxed family environment, Usie wore flip-flops but still
displayed his unwavering patriotism with flare.

He wore a white T-shirt with the American flag inside the words "Tap
Out America," imposed with the Declaration of Independence in the
background. Instead of bedtime stories, his father, Randy, read him
history, Usie said.

At the Armed Forces Career Center in Houma, Cpl. Matthew Marks is
filling Usie's boots and even resurrecting the Future Soldiers
Program, which prepares recruits like he once was for basic training.

A relatively soft-spoken man, he said he's worried viewers might walk
away from the film with bad impressions of recruiting.

For instance, not everyone goes into combat, he said. Marks said he
also felt the documentary and the media coverage of it has portrayed
him as only having the Army as an option after high school.

His grades were good enough to go to college on a TOPS scholarship,
Marks said, but he followed his long-time goal to join the Army instead.

Now a homeowner with his first child on the way, Marks said he still
enjoys the challenges of being a soldier, whether physical demands or
recruiting demands.

"It's about defending our freedom," Marks said.

.

Ala. Guard members bank on recruiting

Ala. Guard members bank on recruiting

http://www.dailycomet.com/article/20080727/APN/807270877

The Associated Press
Published: Sunday, July 27, 2008

BIRMINGHAM, Ala. - Alabama National Guard recruiting has put $3.7
million into the hands of Guard members who signed up the new
soldiers since December 2005.

The payments are part of the National Guard Recruiting Assistance
Program, or G-RAP.

Guard members drilling one weekend a month are allowed to become
recruiting assistants and connect prospective Guard soldiers with
recruiters. They receive $1,000 when the recruit enlists and an
additional $1,000 when that recruit goes to basic training.

Col. Glenn Cottles, head of the state Guard's 22nd Recruitment and
Retention Battalion, told The Birmingham News that 4,611 Guard
soldiers have become recruiting assistants since December 2005 and
have helped bring 2,260 enlistments to the ranks.

Spc. Matt Brazil of Red Bay, a member of the Guard's 115th Signal
Battalion, has helped bring three soldiers into Guard ranks under G-RAP.

"Money nowadays, I guess, talks to everybody," said Brazil, who
joined the Guard in December 2005.

Brazil has received $6,000 in G-RAP payments, plus $3,000 under a
similar state program that pays Guard soldiers an additional $1,000
for every recruit they bring in who completes basic and advanced
training. One of the soldiers whom Brazil helped recruit was his
older brother, Chris, who also is in the 115th.

"He saw all the benefits that I was getting from it ... and
everything, and thought it might be something he'd like, and he liked
it," Matt Brazil said.

Guard Pfc. Bennica Taylor of Montgomery, a 19-year-old Jefferson
Davis High graduate who helped nine people enlist, put her G-RAP
payments into savings she hopes to use to buy a car and a house.

"It'll help," said Taylor, who works as a sales associate at Pier 1
Imports and hopes to get an accounting degree from Auburn University
at Montgomery. "I encourage a lot of other soldiers to register for G-RAP."

Cottles said G-RAP and the similar state payment program, which has
already dispensed the $500,000 it was allocated for this year, have
helped the Army Guard's recruiting efforts.

In fiscal 2007, Alabama's Army Guard exceeded what the military calls
its "end strength" goal of 11,350. Cottles said the state Guard
should continue to grow in the current fiscal year, which ends Sept.
30, but will likely fall short of the goal of 11,575.

"We have successfully outrecruited our losses, but we have not
successfully made any significant gains," Cottles said. "Right now,
we're at 11,381. We're going to grow by about 100, but we had
expected or hoped for ... a couple of hundred."

The Army Guard's total of 11,381 soldiers is 98.3 percent of 11,575,
and that percentage ranks Alabama 33rd among the 50 states, plus the
District of Columbia, Guam, Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands.

Cottles said the Alabama Army Guard is the sixth largest in the
country. A big factor behind the Alabama Army Guard's
lower-than-hoped-for growth is the ongoing reorganization affecting
most of the Army Guard units around the state, Cottles said.

The reorganization has meant extensive changes in missions and
training for many units, causing more than a few longtime members to
retire. Many other states have completed their reorganizations.

.

Military recruiters tailor message for women, but numbers still fall

Uncle Sam wants her

Military recruiters tailor message for women, but numbers still fall

http://www.sltrib.com/ci_10009008

By Matthew D. LaPlante
The Salt Lake Tribune
07/28/2008

For years, Veronica Diaz-Guerra had told her mother that she was
going to join the military.
But when Diaz, still a few weeks shy of her 18th birthday,
finally asked her mom to sign the papers permitting her enlistment in
the U.S. Marine Corps, Ofelia Guerra was hesitant.
"I was hoping that she would change her mind," said Guerra,
whose home in West Valley City is adorned with photographs of all of
her children, including a large portrait of her stern-faced daughter
in her Marine dress blues. "I wanted her to be an attorney."
Women make up about 14 percent of the U.S. military - and just 6
percent of the Marine Corps. Military officials say female service
members are expected to perform and be treated the same as their male
counterparts once they've enlisted - but recruiters and academics who
study the issue say the process for recruiting women, and their
parents, is subtly different.
In its recruiting efforts, the military "may try to reassure
potential recruits and their families that women in the military
don't lose their femininity, even though they are joining an
institution known for conferring masculinity and making men out of
boys," writes Melissa Brown in her paper, "A Woman in the Army is
Still a Woman," which evaluates the gender messages of decades of
recruiting materials. Brown, a professor at City University of New
York, took the title of her paper from an Army advertisement directed
at potential female soldiers.
Brown found that females in military advertisements are often
not pictured in uniform. Indeed, that's the case in a video ad
currently posted on GoArmy.com - the Website for the U.S. Army
Recruiting Command. The video pictures dozens of soldiers - only
three of whom were identifiably female. Two of the women pictured
were in non-combat uniforms - one in a white lab coat and another in
a firefighter's uniform - and none were shown carrying weapons, as
many of the men were.
The ad reflects realities Sgt. Marietta Sparacino sees every day
in her job as an Army recruiter in Salt Lake and Davis counties.
"The males are much more into the range - shooting weapons and
everything. The females, not so much," Sparacino said.
Sparacino, an Army truck driver by training, said some women do
express interest in army weapons, vehicles "and jumping out of
planes," but she said she doesn't make that assumption from the onset
as frequently as she would with a male recruit. "We have to get to
know them to find out what their passions are."
The military as a whole may need to hone its wartime message,
however. The number of females serving in the Armed Forces has fallen
every year since 2003, the year of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq,
according to figures from the Pentagon's Statistical Information
Analysis Division.
Recruiting can be a tough business during war. U.S. Army
Recruiting Command spokesman Douglas Smith said recruiters are
spending more time, these days, talking to would-be recruits and
"influencers" - the military's word for parents, spouses and friends
- about the subject of war. And, Smith said, "the parents of a young
lady might be more concerned than the parents of a young man that we
are an Army at war."
That was the case for Guerra. It took several days of cajoling
on the part of her daughter and her daughter's recruiter to convince
her to sign the papers permitting the girl's enlistment.
"My mother said that she did not want me to join because she
didn't want them to send me to Iraq," said Diaz-Guerra, who is
currently stationed at Camp Taqaddum, a supply point serving larger
bases in Ramadi and Fallujah, in Iraq's western Anbar Province. "I
told her that if that was the case, that was something I knew and I
was OK with it - that I wanted to do something useful with my life,
something that I could tell my children and their children and be proud."
Guerra said she still feels sad about her daughter's decision -
particularly now that she's away at war. But leafing through a photo
album of her daughter's quinceañera - Diaz-Guerra wore an extravagant
blue dress for her 15th birthday celebration - Guerra said many of
the things she once worried about have gone away.
"Even in uniform, she's such a beautiful girl," Guerra said.
And for the moment, Guerra said, she has bigger things to worry about.
--

mlaplante@sltrib.com

.

Not first brush with law for charged airman

Not first brush with law for charged airman

http://www.sltrib.com/news/ci_10019159

Stretched thin, military is more tolerant of violent pasts

By Matthew D. LaPlante and Lindsay Whitehurst
The Salt Lake Tribune
07/28/2008

Hill Air Force Base officials knew Daniel Eugene Clemons had been
arrested while on leave last Thanksgiving for allegedly forcing his
way into a home in New Jersey and shooting a man in his bed.
But the base continued to allow Clemons to serve in uniform
while awaiting trial on charges of attempted murder and pending his
military discharge hearing, scheduled for August. And since New
Jersey prosecutors had released Clemons on $150,000 bail, his Hill
supervisors declined to restrict him to quarters.
Now, the 19-year-old airman is in the Salt Lake County jail on a
new charge of attempted murder, following a Saturday-morning shooting
outside a downtown Salt Lake City nightclub.
The case is not an isolated situation of a service member who
has been accused of repeated violence or criminality, but who has
nonetheless managed to remain on duty.
Last year, The Salt Lake Tribune reported on Army officer Curtis
Whiteford, who was forced out of the Utah National Guard after being
accused of fraud, but managed to transfer into a California Army
Reserve unit, where he ultimately was placed in charge of defense
contracts worth up to a $500,000 in Iraq. Whiteford has since been
accused in U.S. District Court with an alleged scheme to defraud the
military while he was at war.
And earlier this month, the Sacramento Bee reported that it had
linked scores of service members with troubled pasts to incidents of
murder, domestic abuse and other crimes, at war and back home. The
Bee's series included numerous accounts of service members who would
not be eligible to own a gun in their home state, but were issued one
by the military.
With manpower stretched precariously thin between two wars,
military leaders are sometimes hesitant to dismiss service members,
even those with troubling pasts. And as in the Clemons case, court
martial proceedings can be staved off for months or even years as
military leaders await the results of lengthy civilian criminal trials.
An Army sergeant who allegedly choked and beat a soldier he
supervised last year at Fort Sill, Okla., was not processed or
punished by military officials until more than six months after the
victim, Utah native Amanda Blume, reported the attack. Base officials
said they had to await the resolution of a civilian criminal case
against Sgt. Larnelle Lewis before they could proceed.
Meanwhile, accused service members continue to serve in uniform
and to pull U.S. government paychecks. Clemons, for instance, worked
in an administrative position, a nondeployable role for the aircrew
flight equipment apprentice in Hill's 388th Operations Support Squadron.
"He was not restricted to quarters because he was cooperating
with authorities and was seen fit for release, pending trial by the
New Jersey court," said Hill spokeswoman Beth Woodward.
"Our thoughts are with the victim and his family and friends,"
Woodward said. She said Clemons' alleged action "should not reflect
on Hill airmen as a whole," noting that base leaders have worked "to
build a culture of integrity" at Hill.
In doing so, they're up against some significant challenges.
Military recruiters increasingly are taking chances with troubled
recruits. Last year, more than one in 10 Army recruits received a
waiver for prior criminal behavior that otherwise would have
disqualified the recruit for service. So called "waiver recruits"
have slightly higher rates of misconduct, courts martial and
desertion, according to the Army Recruiting Command.
It's unclear whether Clemons received a waiver before he enlisted.
Here's what is known: On Nov. 22, police report, three
assailants forced their way into the home of a 23-year-old man,
shooting the victim as he lie in bed with his girlfriend. The
following day, Clemons was arrested and charged with attempted
murder. Police did not disclose a motive for the alleged attack.
A Trenton Police Department detective said Sunday that the
prosecution was "progressing" but referred further questions to the
Mercer County prosecutor's office. Officials in that office did not
immediately return calls seeking comment.
Eight months after the Trenton attack, Salt Lake City police
say, Clemons fled the scene outside Club Manhattan after gunning down
22-year-old Tyler Jake Lee with a nonmilitary-issued assault rifle.
Clemons was arrested Saturday on suspicion of attempted homicide and
aggravated robbery, the second charge related to the allegation that
he tried to rip a chain from the victim's neck. Three other Hill
airmen, Destiney Williams, Tacota Lemuel and David Crist, are accused
of helping Clemons escape.
Lee remained hospitalized Sunday, and asked that the hospital
not to release details of his condition.
It was the second shooting in four months at the downtown Salt
Lake City nightclub. Base officials confirmed on Sunday that they are
cooperating with police in investigating reports that a March 22
attack outside the club, in which a man was shot in the head, also
involved personnel from the northern Utah base. Police have not named
a suspect in that case, however.
--

mlaplante@sltrib.com
lwhitehurst@sltrib.com

.

Army Lures Civilians By Letting Them Play Soldier

War Games: Army Lures Civilians By Letting Them Play Soldier

http://online.wsj.com/public/article/SB121721198768289035-XKUYzOoHkddCrYY9JcEZnn4h4yc_20080826.html?mod=tff_main_tff_top

Recruiters Bring Lifelike Videogame To Amusement Parks, and Kids Love It

By JOSEPH DE AVILA
July 28, 2008; Page A1

GURNEE, Ill. -- In the Tweety Bird section of the parking lot at an
amusement park here, visitors are trying a new attraction. They jump
into Humvees or Black Hawk helicopters and use fake firearms to hunt
down "genocidal indigenous forces." They shoot at huge video screens.

"I like that I got to use a gun!" said 13-year-old Spencer Padgett,
after trying the "Virtual Army Experience." His dad, Scott, from
Laporte, Ind., said he wanted his son to gain an appreciation of the
sacrifices being made by the Army.

The Virtual Army Experience -- a traveling exhibit of the U.S. Army
-- has been touring the country for the past year and a half,
stopping at amusement parks, air shows and county fairs. The Army,
which collects information from the thousands of people who play the
game, says it's an innovative way to reach a new audience. But
critics don't like the idea of the military using giant videogames as
a recruiting tool.

While the Army met its goal of adding 80,000 new soldiers last year,
it faces a tough recruiting environment. These days, "parents are
less likely to encourage their children to consider military
service," said Douglas Smith, a spokesman for the U.S. Army Recruiting Command.

The Virtual Army exhibit is based on a videogame the Army began
developing in 1999, after missing recruiting goals. Not only do
videogames give the Army a new way to relate to the public, they also
present "an opportunity to shape their tastes," said Col. Casey
Wardynski, director of the Army's Office of Economic and Manpower
Analysis at West Point.

The Army spent about $9 million building four versions of the Virtual
Army Experience, Col. Wardynski said. It cost $9.8 million last year
to operate the exhibits. This year, the main exhibits will visit 40
events. The smaller "Delta" version will visit 31 separate events.

"It's catering to the interest of America's youth," said Nicholas
Mantych, 21, from Genoa City, Wis., who recently tried the Virtual
Army game. He suggested another idea the Army could offer players:
"They should give them gear and paintball guns."

Recent player Miles Cahill, 23, who works at a videogame retailer,
said the Army's game wasn't as good as other shooter games he's
tried, but it was still fun. He didn't mind the marketing aspect.

"Beer companies have hot women. They have a videogame," he said.

The Virtual Army set up camp for nine days this month outside the Six
Flags Great America amusement park here. Ads throughout the theme
park touted the Army's attraction. One read: "Bumper cars or fully
loaded Humvees?"

A chain-link fence cordoned off the Army's 19,500-square-foot
exhibit. VAE adviser Lt. Col. Randall Zeegers, 6 feet 5 inches tall,
saluted children as they passed and posed for pictures.

"There's no sales going on here," said Lt. Col. Zeegers, who added
that the goal of the VAE is primarily to educate the public. "It's
another way to tell our story ourselves."

Those who want to try the game are asked for their age, address,
phone number and email, and the information is entered into a
database. Players are also asked whether they want to join or learn
more about the Army. Local recruiters can contact promising leads, if
they are at least 17, within 24 hours.

Players file into an air-conditioned trailer, filled with computers
and Xbox 360 consoles, where they wait to be briefed. Then Staff Sgt.
John Harper explains the mission: Genocidal indigenous forces are
attacking international aid workers. It's up to the players to protect them.

Participants enter a dark, inflatable dome. They climb into one of
six modified Humvees or two Black Hawk helicopters. Each vehicle,
mounted with fake M-249 Squad Automatic Weapons and M-4 rifles, faces
three huge screens where the videogame is projected.

Players fire air-pressured guns, meant to mimic the recoil and
kickback of real ones. The ethnicity of the bad guys they shoot at is
ambiguous. The rat-a-tat-tat of gunfire blares from the game's
speakers and the Humvees shake from the simulated blasts of roadside
bombs. Some participants hoot and holler. Despite the nature of the
game, there is no blood or guts on screen.

Scores are higher if players only shoot people in uniform; they lose
points for firing indiscriminately or at noncombatants.

A Bit of Reality

At the end, there's a bit of reality: Silver Star recipient Sgt.
Jason Mike, 25, is introduced and the crowd applauds. He talks about
his experience in Iraq and encourages the players to visit the Army's
videogame Web site.

Interacting with soldiers after playing the game is key, said Eric
Johnson, president of Ignited, an El Segundo, Calif., marketing
company, which helped design the Virtual Army Experience. "Even the
most cynical come out with a better appreciation," he said. "They
tend to be more receptive to the message that the Army is trying to
send to them."

The majority of those who play the Virtual Army game aren't a good
fit for the Army, Col. Wardynski said. Of the 55,200 people who tried
it last year, about 2,200 met the Army's age qualifications and
showed an interest in enlisting.

Most are like Megan Horton, 24, who enjoyed playing but isn't
interested in enlisting. "I think I shot, like, 10 'friendlies' " --
the characters that players are supposed to be protecting -- she said.

Not everyone supports the Virtual Army. During Summerfest, a recent
11-day music festival in Milwaukee, organizers say hundreds of people
called to complain about the presence of the Army's game there. In
response, the Army modified the exhibit there so users played a
target-practice game instead of battling indigenous forces.

Other critics say the Army's videogames don't give an accurate
portrayal of war and Army life.

"War is not a game," said Sholom Keller, national membership
coordinator for Iraq Veterans Against the War, who said he served in
the Army from 2001 to 2005 and fought in Afghanistan and Iraq.

There is only so much the Virtual Army Experience can do to depict
Army life, and it does a better job than a 30-second commercial, Col.
Wardynski said. "Because it's game technology, does that make it
evil? I don't think so," he said.

Enlisting First

Michelle Naleck, a 21-year-old cocktail waitress from Wauconda, Ill.,
tried the Virtual Army Experience at Six Flags. "It's not real life,
but it kind of gives you an idea of what to expect," she said. Ms.
Naleck recently enlisted in the Army.

She's not a gamer and didn't fare well at the game, she said. But the
exhibit wouldn't have had an impact on her decision to enlist, she
added. "I wouldn't take such a big step in my life just because of a
videogame."

Mr. Mantych, the 21-year-old from Wisconsin, had also already
enlisted in the Army before he played the game. While he was trying
the virtual experience, he was thinking about things other
participants probably weren't, he said. "This is going to be me in
two years, but in a real-life situation. And I'm going to have to
kill people and use real bullets."

He was set to ship out to basic training at Fort Leonard Wood in
Missouri last week.
--

Write to Joseph De Avila at joseph.deavila@wsj.com

.

Saturday, July 26, 2008

Proud To Be a Vietnam Vet?

Proud To Be a Vietnam Vet?

http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig6/young-r3.html

by Roger Young
July 24, 2008

"It is such twisted thinking that leads those who refuse to examine
the content of their minds to bleat about the soldiers who "fight for
our freedom." What nonsense. Shall we next be told that Sunset
Boulevard hookers are peddling virtue?"
~ Butler Shaffer

Why would someone be "proud" to be a Vietnam veteran? Certainly, one
shouldn't necessarily be ashamed, particularly if they were
conscripted. But what is there to be proud of? The US government
lost the war. It was a war that, by all historical perspective,
should not have involved the intervention of the US government and
its military. In other words, the operation was misguided and a
failure. What is there to be proud of?

Why is a soldier who is killed or captured in war considered a
hero? It would seem to me that the first objective, when striving to
be a successful soldier, is not to be killed or captured. It is
impossible to achieve your goal of destroying your enemy when you are
dead or locked up under his control. Instead of a "hero," shouldn't
you be considered a failure?

Why does a US soldier say he is fighting for freedom when he, as an
enlisted individual, is not free?

Why is it that military failure is never blamed on the military,
itself, i.e., the individuals who make up the military? When
confronted with the question of why the military lost the Vietnam
War, or why the military did not protect the country (or even make an
effort) on 9/11, or why was the military on that same date unable to
even protect its own building ­ the answer is always, "it was someone
else's fault." Members of the military can never seem to find fault
in their own actions as reasons for their collective failures but
always seem to find someone (or thing) else to blame ­ be it
politicians, war protestors, insufficient financial and asset support, etc.

Why do militarists proudly point out soldier's benevolent acts toward
civilians suffering the effects of war when it is the soldiers that
caused the suffering in the first place?

Why do soldiers claim to be fighting for democracy (majority rule) in
Iraq when the American democratic majority, for whom they claim to
fight for, clearly has said they do not want the American military in Iraq?

Why do soldiers, who have taken an oath to defend the Constitution of
the United States, violate that oath when partaking in illegally executed wars?

Why are soldiers who refuse to fight in violation of that oath
considered "deserters" or "traitors?"

Why are soldiers considered the "best and the brightest" when they
fail to understand the clear language of the US Constitution, heed to
authority without question, and are unable to grasp the clear
evidence that the leaders that command them are ignorant, corrupt,
and deceiving? Shouldn't they be referred to as the "clueless and
easily deceived?"

Why do soldiers claim "they fight for you" when "you" never requested
the soldiers or anyone else do such a thing? Isn't that a rather
arrogant claim to make? I certainly don't recall making such a
request. "Excuse me, sir; do you have a signed contract that quotes
me agreeing to your services?" And if soldiers do "fight for me" why
am I not allowed any input on how they go about doing that? Instead
they receive and accept orders from elsewhere.

Why do soldiers claim they "answered their country's call?" How do
millions of people "call" you? In reality, the only parties that
called were the draft board and/or the recruiter.

Why do soldiers claim they defend "the country" when the largest
threat to "the country" (the permanent regime located in Washington
D.C.) is not only ignored but protected? If "the country" truly is
"the people" and the role of the military is to protect "the people,"
why does the military not protect "the people" from its government?

Attempts to answer these questions without the use of expletives,
slogans, revisionist history, clichés, or slander are welcome.

.

Wednesday, July 23, 2008

WILPF challenges U.S. army recruitment tactics

WILPF challenges U.S. army recruitment tactics

http://www.accessmylibrary.com/coms2/summary_0286-34612642_ITM

Through programs like the Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps,
military recruitment efforts now target children as young as 8 years old.

22-MAR-08
by Mor, Tzili

Remember your first field trip? Typically, when a middle school class
plans an excursion to the local art museum, or a high school teacher
wants to offer a special lesson on safe sex, a parent or guardian
must sign a permission slip allowing the child's participation. But
no such adult approval is required for contact between American
children and the 22,000 military recruiters who hang out at public
middle and high schools, in movie theaters and shopping malls,
handing out iPods or other extravagant gifts.

The U.S. Department of Defense spent more than $1.5 billion on
recruitment efforts in 2006 and today offers $20,000 "quick ship"
cash rewards for new recruits. In contrast, the government provides a
maximum of a $4,310 annual tuition grant for the few qualified,
college-bound high school students who avoid enlistment.

WILPFers across the country voiced concerns about the omnipresence of
military recruiters undermining their community's own norms and
subverting the wishes of parents. Recruiters often target immigrant
and low-income communities of color. According to the Department of
Defense's most recent report on the armed forces, women from racial
minority groups are over-represented among the ranks of new recruits.
The U.S. government subsidizes military-style programs, such as
Middle School Cadets and the Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps
(JROTC), where children as young as 8 and 11 can participate. There
is neither federal funding, nor suggested curricula, for peaceful
resolution of conflict and human rights education. Last year, Chicago
opened the first public Marine Military Academy in the country. The
Marine Military Math and Science Academy, serving grades 9 through
12, follows the military disciplinary model. Drills are part of the
school day.

The militarization of community life affects not only the prospects
of those young people who actually enlist for military service, but
the educational and employment opportunities available to all youth.
It affects family life, and inevitably changes the norms of civil society.

Recruitment efforts that revolve around false and exaggerated
promises about educational and employment opportunities for soldiers
(and the lack of honest discussion of risks and actual duties of
service) prevent young people from making informed, genuinely
voluntary decisions about their lives based on accurate, truthful information.

Last summer, WILPF's Advancing Human Rights/ CEDAW (AHR) committee
drew together members from various states, in addition to nearly 30
national and grass-roots groups working on "truth in recruitment," to
work on this issue. Together, we compiled a report to the U.N.
Committee on the Rights of the Child about the reality of improper
and abusive U.S. military recruitment tactics.

In 2003, the United States ratified and became legally bound by the
Optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict.
On May 22, 2008, the Children's Rights Committee, the U.N. committee
of experts that oversees the implementation of this protocol (or
treaty), will be reviewing U.S. compliance with international
standards on the recruitment and deployment of children (anyone under
the age of 18) into the armed forces and participation in military
conflict. WILPF, along with multiple endorsing organizations,
submitted an alternative report analyzing the shortfalls and gaps in
the official report submitted to the U.N. committee by the U.S. government.

Our alternative report submission resulted in the U.N. committee
inviting WILPF to Geneva in early February to make an oral
presentation and participate in a closed session of questions and
answers with a dozen independent international experts. While the
session was closed to allow for a frank discussion between NGO reps
and committee members, the committee drafted a list of follow up
questions for the U.S. government around issues of recruitment and
deployment of children. Several of these questions were taken from
recommendations and suggested questions outlined in the WILPF report.
For example, the committee required that the U.S. government submit
information by March 31 about criminal penalties for forced or
compulsory recruitment of individuals under 18 years; information on
the methods used by military recruiters (and which safeguards are
available to prevent misconduct, coercive measures or deception); and
the number of cases of recruiter misconduct and sanctions since the
Protocol has been in place. The committee also requested
disaggregated data (by sex and ethnicity) on the number of voluntary
recruits under the age of 18. (For a full list of questions to the
U.S. Government, please see: www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/)

Since these questions by the U.N. expert committee form part of the
treaty review process, the various relevant U.S. government agencies
must collect the information requested, or acknowledge gaps in laws
and enforcement in its reply. Following the official review of the
United States in May, the U.N. Committee on the Rights of the Child
(CRC) will issue "concluding observations" to the U.S. government for
better compliance with its legal obligations under this international
treaty. (For details on the CRC review of the U.S., please see the
CRC official website at www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/crcs48.htm
. Just scroll down to the second U.S. flag under the CRC OPAC). This
guided dialogue process between the U.S. government and the committee
builds a path of legal standards for the United States--and other
nations--to follow. It also makes connections between abstract human
rights and concrete ways to implement them.

Carol Umer and Ellen Barfield of WILPF's DISARM! Committee, along
with myself (from the AHR committee) took WILPF's alternative report
to Capitol Hill and met with legislative staffers in late February to
both inform them of the U.N. treaty review process and of the
standards and priorities the Protocol sets around the informed,
voluntary consent of children and parents to enlist in the armed forces.

Staffers, in particular those with Rep. Gwen Moore (D-WI) and Sen.
Diannie Feinstein (D-CA), were eager to think of ways the
congresswomen could push the agenda for greater transparency,
oversight and accountability over improper and abusive recruitment,
which ranges from false promises to sexual assault, yet lacks central
Department of Defense oversight with prescribed, mandatory penalties.
Sen. Feinstein's office encouraged California-based WILPFers to call
the Senator's local offices and report incidents of improper
recruitment and to strongly voice their distress over the
militarization of their schools. Carol Urner was also able to have
good meetings with legislative assistants of John Conyers and Eddie
Bernice Johnson. Both Representatives are members and sponsors of
WILPF, and both staffers indicated strong interest in the report and
the U.N. questions. Carol also left packets of documents with about
10 other Representatives and Senators whom we thought branches and
the AHR committee might want to contact further.

The alternative report started with local grassroots efforts which
brought community views to the United Nations and, following its
comments to the U.S. government, it will be again up to us to push
the implementation of human rights and non-militarization back on the
local level, this time buttressed by the endorsement of an
international body of experts and international legal obligations
that U.S. government is bound to uphold.

For the full report and the statement made to the UN CRC Committee,
please visit
www.wilpf.org/counter_recruitment_strategies . AHR committee members
involved in producing the report: Corinne Tyris (coordinating
intern), Jody Dodd (staff), Gillian Russell Gilhool, Scotty
Michaelsen, Tzili Mor, and Laura Roskos.
--

Tzili Mor is an Attorney Teaching-Fellow with the International
Women's Human Rights Clinic at Georgetown University Law Center. She
has coordinated, edited and drafted numerous reports and documents to
the United Nations and has worked on international human rights
projects in several regions of the world. She is a member of WILPF's
AHR committee.
--

RELATED ARTICLE

During the national conference calls to prepare for the. report to
the U.N. Committee on the Rights of the Child, numerous WILPFers
voiced interest in sharing information and swapping creative ideas
about outreach to stop improper and abusive (or any) recruitment of
youth in their schools and communities. To facilitate that national
exchange, the AHR Committee established a WILPF Counter Recruitment
group at Yahoo! Groups. Go to the groups section of Yahoo! and search
for WILPF_Counter_Recruitment.

Some of these resources, already shared through the WILPF Counter
Recruitment listserv, include an anti-recruitment comic book and a
resource guide for potential enlistees authored by Veterans for
Peace. Mixed Signals, a counter-recruitment tool in comic book form,
is now available for use in activism, outreach, counseling,
education, starting conversations and saving lives. To view and print
the comic book, go to
http://antiau-thoritarian.net/NLN/current/sabrina.html. To order
copies, contact sabjonze@yahoo.com.

Veterans For Peace published A Resource Guide for Young People
Considering Enlistment, which contains advice from veterans on
military service and recruiting practices. The guide is available at:
www.vfpS6.org/VEOP_RG_Final.pdf.

.

US Military Recruits Children

US Military Recruits Children:
"America's Army" Video Game Violates International Law

http://www.truthout.org/article/us-military-recruits-children

Wednesday 23 July 2008
by: Michael B. Reagan, t r u t h o u t | Perspective


In May of 2002, the United States Army invaded E3, the annual video
game convention held in Los Angeles. At the city's Convention Center,
young game enthusiasts mixed with camouflaged soldiers, Humvees and a
small tank parked near the entrance. Thundering helicopter sound
effects drew the curious to the Army's interactive display, where a
giant video screen flashed the words "Empower yourself. Defend
America ... You will be a soldier."(1)

The Army was unveiling its latest recruitment tool, the
"America's Army" video game, free to download online or pick up at a
recruiting station, and now available for purchase on the Xbox,
PlayStation, cell phones and Gameboy game consoles. Since its
release, the "game" has gone on to attain enormous popularity with
over 30,000 players everyday, more than nine million registered
users, and version 3.0 set for launch in September. "America's Army"
simulates the Army experience, immersing players in basic training
before they can go on to play specialized combat roles. Most of the
gameplay takes place in cyberspace where virtual Mideast cities,
hospitals and oil rigs serve as backdrops for players to obliterate
each other. As a "first person shooter," the game allows players to
"see what a soldier sees" in real combat situations - peek around
corners, take fine aim, chose weapons that replicate those actually
used by the US Army.

For the game's commercial developers, realism is one its
strongest selling points. Console version programmers were shipped to
military training facilities in Wyoming, where they ran boot camp
obstacle courses, fired weapons at the shooting range and got whisked
around on helicopters. Back at hip, safe San Francisco Bay Area game
companies, Army weapons specialists worked with developers to ensure
aim, fire, sound and reload functions for all of the game's weapons
were as close to the real thing as possible. The Army also ensured
that players learn real weapons skills such as breath control and the
reload time for a M4 carbine. And in order to edge closer to the
Army's goal of "realism" and "authenticity," several of the game's
missions are based on actual combat experiences in Iraq and
Afghanistan. Even the training simulators and firing ranges are
modeled on the real life versions at Ft. Benning, Ft. Lewis and Ft.
Polk. In a 2005 press release, Ubisoft, the multimillion-dollar
publisher of the console version of the game, wrote that "America's
Army" is the "deepest and most realistic military game ever to hit
consoles," hoping that it gave players a "realistic, action-packed,
military experience."(2)

But behind the fun and games is an attempt, in the words of a
military booklet on "America's Army," "to build a game for Army
strategic communication in support of recruiting." The Army spent $6
million to develop the game at the Modeling, Virtual Environments and
Simulation Institute (MOVES) before handing it over to private
companies for adaptation to the console formats in 2004. As the name
implies, the MOVES Institute is the military center for creating
virtual training environments and simulators. A MOVES Institute
booklet proclaims a later version of the game, "America's Army:
Special Forces," was developed specifically to increase the number of
Army Special Forces recruits. "The Department of Defense want[ed] to
double the number of Special Forces Soldiers, so essential did they
prove in Afghanistan and northern Iraq; consequently, orders ...
trickled down the chain of command and found application in the
current release of 'America's Army.'"(3)

Like so many aspects of contemporary military operations, the
development of later versions of the game has been handed over to
corporations for private profit. Some of the biggest game companies
have worked on the console, arcade and cell phone versions of
"America's Army." Ubisoft, the world's seventh largest video game
company, is the game's exclusive producer and has recently publicized
record profits for the first quarter of 2008. Ubisoft worked closely
with San Francisco based Secret Level to develop the 2005 Xbox
version. Global VR, in San Jose, California, is preparing the release
of the arcade version, and Gameloft programmed a version available
for download to cell phones. Getting in on the action are other more
traditional military contractors, such as Digital Consulting Services
(DSC), a multimillion-dollar military tech company based in Newbury
Park, California. Among DCS's other projects are the Encore II
Information Technology Solution for the innocuous sounding Global
Information Grid, "an all encompassing communications project for the
Department of Defense," worth $13 billion over five years. Or the
Navy's Seaport-Enhanced - a $100 billion multicontract program to
integrate Navy warfare operations. The Army worked closely with these
and other companies to produce "America's Army," the first and only
officially licensed Army game. It is this partnership and the close
attention to technical detail that the Army and game companies claim
gives "America's Army" its realistic quality. As Col. Casey
Wardynski, director of the US Army's Office of Economic and Manpower
Analysis (OEMA) and director of the game project proclaims,
"America's Army" is "the most authentic console game about soldiering
in the US Army."(4)

Yet, far from providing realism, "America's Army" offers a
sanitized version of war to propagandize youth on the benefits of an
Army career and prepare them for the battlefield. In the game,
soldiers are not massacred in bloody fire typical of most video
games, or for that matter, real combat. When hit, bullet wounds
resemble puffs of red smoke, and players can take up to four hits
before being killed. To further protect youth, concerned parents can
turn on optional controls that sanitize the violence even more -
shots produce no blood whatsoever and dead soldiers just sit down.
This presentation of war contrasts to the much more grisly reality
unfolding every day in Iraq and Afghanistan, like a June suicide
attack on the Fallujah City Council in which three Marines, two
interpreters and 20 Iraqis, including young children, were killed.
Photos by American photojournalist Zoriah depict a horror scene in a
small courtyard, dismembered body parts - ears, hands and pieces of
skull - spot the ground; one Marine's head looks smeared into the
pavement. Zoriah writes of the scene, "There are dying people strewn
around like limp dolls along with lifeless bodies of all ages. People
are screaming and crying and running as if they have something
important to do, only they can't figure out what that important thing
could possibly be ... people are literally frantic removing the dead,
as if their pace may bring some of them back." It is this violent,
realistic quality of combat that has been excised from the game.(5)

Another ploy in the Army's "realism" playbook is what the Army
calls "America's Army's Real Heroes." On the "America's Army" web
site, visitors can explore the stories of eight combat veterans who
received silver or bronze stars, purple hearts, or other awards.
Among them is Sgt. Tommy Rieman, an Iraq veteran who used his body to
shield his gunner from incoming fire, miraculously surviving bullet
wounds to the chest and shoulder. He was selected to be a "Real Hero"
and media celebrity for Army recruitment not solely for his courage,
but also because he survived his experience. Those who have made the
"ultimate sacrifice" are unlikely to be chosen at all, like
22-year-old Specialist William L. McMillan, who was killed on July 8
when his vehicle was destroyed by a roadside bomb. Or 35-year-old
Sgt. Steven Chevalier, of Flint, Michigan, father of two, who joined
the Army after high school in 1991 because he couldn't find work in
Flint. On July 9, in the midst of his third tour in Iraq, Sergeant
Chevalier was destroyed by a grenade attack in Samarra. Other Army
nonheroes include those who have taken the courageous step of
refusing orders in an illegal and immoral war, like Lt. Erin Watada
or members of 2nd Platoon, Charlie Company, 1st Battalion, 26th
Infantry Regiment who refused patrol orders in Adhamiya, Iraq.

What the game's "realism" is attempting to do is to mask the
violent reality of combat, and military experience in general, for
very specific purposes. At a minimum, the Army hopes "America's Army"
will act as "strategic communication" to expose "kids who are college
bound and technologically savvy" to positive messaging about the
Army. Phase one of the propaganda effort is to expose children to
"Army values" and make service look as attractive as possible. The
next phase is direct recruiting. According to Colonel Wardynski, who
originally thought up selling the Army to children through video
games, "a well executed game would put the Army within the immediate
decision-making environment of young Americans. It would thereby
increase the likelihood that these Americans would include Soldiering
in their set of career alternatives." To make the connection between
the game and recruitment explicit, the "America's Army" web site
links directly to the Army's recruitment page. And gamers can explore
a virtual recruitment center through the "America's Army Real Heroes"
program. Local recruiters also use the game to draw in high school
children for recruitment opportunities. Recruiters stage area
tournaments with free pizza and sodas; winners receive Xbox game
consoles, free copies of "America's Army" and iPods. Game centers are
also set up at state fairs and public festivals with replica Humvees
and .50 caliber machine guns, where children as young as 13 can test
out the life-sized equipment.(6)

When players walk into Army sponsored tournaments, the
government knows more about them then they may suppose. The game
records players' data and statistics in a massive database called
Andromeda, which records every move a player makes and links the
information to their screen name. With this information tracking
system, gameplay serves as a military aptitude tester, tracking
overall kills, kills per hour, a player's virtual career path, and
other statistics. According to Colonel Wardynski, players who play
for a long time and do extremely well may "just get an e-mail seeing
if [they'd] like any additional information on the Army." The
"America's Army" web site, however, is quick to point out that the
Army respects players' privacy. The Army claims that player
information is not linked to a person's real world identity unless
that person volunteers their identity to a recruiter. But it is not
clear that recruiters have to give any sort of discloser that a
voluntary relinquishing of one's name is also an invitation to a
player's statistical information. Answering seemingly innocent
questions from recruiters in "America's Army" chat rooms or at state
fairs about one's screen name may divulge personal information
without intending to.(7)

Beyond its recruitment goals, the game serves as a training
device for both military tactics and weapons, and to condition
players for battlefield operations. To this end, "America's Army"
game assignments are designed to simulate real world battlefield
missions. For example in one mission, "Special Forces fight alongside
Indigenous Forces they have trained. For this mission, [players] must
rescue and escort a wounded resistance leader who's escaped to a
neutral hospital for treatment - or hinder the escape of a wounded
enemy courier, depending which side you're on." Missions like this
shadow real world military actions such as the November 2004 seizure
of a Fallujah hospital, a blatant violation of international law. The
Army justified the war crime by explaining the hospital was
furthering enemy propaganda. Other missions designed to acclimate
players to warfare take place on an offshore oil rig or reenact the
"Blackhawk Down" scenario. The oil rig game environment mimics
possible combat deployments like to the new military installation
being built by the Navy on the Khawr al Amaya Oil Terminal in the
Persian Gulf. Interestingly, in these mission environments every
gun-carrying character found online has a real person behind it. Yet,
all players perceive themselves as American Forces while their
avatars may be represented as black masked "terrorists" to their opponents.(8)

If this weren't enough, the Army has designed weapons systems
and training simulators based on "America's Army" simulations and
gameplay and incorporated them into the game. Players are organized
into groups of Army units to learn to think, act and work together, a
key component of basic infantry training. With a system of honor
points that can help or hinder a virtual career, players are rewarded
for their teamwork and strategic thinking, and discouraged from
acting like a lone Rambo. Weapons training programs are also
developed from the game or incorporated into "America's Army." These
include the Live Fire Virtual Targetry for Urban Combat, in which
boot camp recruits fire live ammunition at huge screens with
"America's Army" simulations projected onto it. Additionally,
training software for the Common Remotely Operated Weapons Station, a
remote control vehicle with automatic weapons, was incorporated into
the 2.7 version of "America's Army." The Army has also used the game
to test new weapons. The Army's weapons research laboratory, the
Armament Research, Development and Engineering Center (ARDEC), uses
"America's Army" simulators to create virtual weapons testing grounds
that are so lifelike ARDEC can "try out a new weapons system before
any metal is cut." In "America's Army" one can play and undergo
real-world military training at the same time.(9)

Most troubling of all, these recruitment and training techniques
are targeted at children. Apart from sanitizing the violence of war,
the Army toned down the gore in the game to get a Teen rating from
the Entertainment Software Rating Board, the equivalent of a PG
rating on movies, so that children as young as 13 could play
"America's Army." Chris Chambers, the game project's deputy director
explains that "we have a teen rating that allows 13-year-olds to
play, and in order to maintain that rating we have to adhere to
certain standards. We want to reach young people to show them what
the Army does ... We can't reach them if we are over the top with
violence and other aspects of war that might not be appropriate. It's
a choice we made to be able to reach the audience we want."(10)

The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has found that Army
use of the game, and its recruiting practice in general, violate
international law. In May, the ACLU published a report that found the
armed services "regularly target children under 17 for military
recruitment. Department of Defense instruction to recruiters, the US
military's collection of information of hundreds of thousands of
16-year-olds, and military training corps for children as young as 11
reveal that students are targeted for recruitment as early as
possible. By exposing children under 17 to military recruitment, the
United States military violates the Optional Protocol." The Optional
Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict, ratified
by the Senate in December 2002, protects the rights of children under
16 from military recruitment and deployment to war. The US
subsequently entered a binding declaration that raised the minimum
age to 17, meaning any recruitment activity targeted at those under
17 years old is not allowed in the United States. The ACLU report
goes on to highlight the role of "America's Army," saying the Army
uses the game to "attract young potential recruits ... train them to
use weapons, and engage in virtual combat and other military
missions," adding that the game "explicitly targets boys 13 and
older." In June, at the 48th session of the United Nations Committee
on the Rights of the Child, the Committee noted US violations of the
Protocol and urged the United States to "ensure that its policy and
practice on deployment is consistent with the provisions of the Protocol."(11)

Four years after the game was introduced at the 2002 Los Angles
E3, and half way around the world in Mosul, Iraq, "America's Army"
was having an effect. Sgt. Sinque Swales had just fired his .50
caliber machine gun at so-called insurgents for only the second time.
"It felt like I was in a big video game," he said. "It didn't even
faze me, shooting back. It was just natural instinct. Boom! Boom!
Boom! Boom!" While Sergeant Swales found game training conditioned
him for combat situations, other soldiers report "America's Army"
played a direct role in guiding them to the military. Pvt. Doug
Stanbro told The Christian Science Monitor in a 2006 interview that
he "never really thought about the military at all before I started
playing this game." An informal Army study of the same year showed
that 4 out of 100 new recruits in Ft. Benning, Georgia, credit
"America's Army" as the primary factor in convincing them to join the
military. Sixty percent of those recruits surveyed said they played
the game more than five times a week. And a 2004 Army survey found
that nearly a third of young Americans aged 16 to 24 had some contact
with the game in the previous six months.(12)

"America's Army" is not a game; it is a recruitment and training
tool that the Army uses in violation of international law. While
soldiers and civilians continue to kill and die in Iraq and
Afghanistan, private corporations like Ubisoft reap handsome profits
from the Army's project to train and recruit children. Military game
developers are very open about this role, as Colonel Wardynski
proudly proclaims in article after article, "We want kids to come
into the Army and feel like they've already been there." In this
sense, "America's Army" is more than a recruiting tool; it is an
attempt to shift public perceptions about the Army and a conscious
effort to militarize youth and video game culture. Indeed, the Army
has been largely successful, so long as we accept sophisticated
propaganda, recruitment and training programs like "America's Army"
as simply games and entertainment. In a statement that could apply to
any of the military propaganda programs for youth, including popular
movies like "Transformers" and "Iron Man," Wardynski says, "If you
don't get in there and engage them early in life about what they're
going to do with their lives, when it comes time for them to choose,
you're in a fallback position." With the need for fresh recruits at
an all-time high due to popular opposition to the murderous and
illegal wars, the Army is hoping their game will keep them from
stepping into a fallback recruiting position. According to Colonel
Wardynski, "today's Soldiers are gamers," and, we might add, the Army
is hoping to make the statement true in the converse as well. When
this means the militarization and recruitment of our children, we
should all take special notice.(13)
--

Michael B. Reagan is an activist and graduate student in the San
Francisco Bay Area. He can be reached at micatron@berkeley.edu
--

(1) Knight Ridder Tribune News Service: "Army Game to Draft
Virtual Soldiers," May 23, 2002, pg. 1

(2) Business Wire: "US Army and Ubisoft Join Force in
Unprecedented Agreement to Deploy 'America's Army' Brand Worldwide,"
April 14, 2004; Business Wire: "US Army and Ubisoft Bring 'America's
Army: Rise of a Soldier' to Video Game Consoles; The Most Authentic
Military Console Game Ever Created Ships to Retail Stores Today,"
Press Release, November 15, 2005.

(3) The United States Army and the Modeling, Virtual
Environments and Simulation Institute: "'America's Army' PC Game
Vision and Realization: A Look at the Artistry, Technique, and Impact
of the United States Army's Groundbreaking Tool for Strategic
Communication," January, 2004, pg. 22, henceforth, "MOVES Booklet";
MOVES Booklet, pg. 37.

(4) DCS web site:
http://www.webdcs.com/contracts.php?id=encoreII; Business Wire: "US
Army and Ubisoft Bring 'America's Army: Rise of a Soldier' to Video
Game Consoles; The Most Authentic Military Console Game Ever Created
Ships to Retail Stores Today," Press Release, November 15, 2005.

(5) Zoriah Photojournalist: "Suicide Bombing in Anbar - Eye
Witness Account - Iraq War Photographer Diary - Graphic Images,"
posted June 26, 2008, http://www.zoriah.net/blog/suicide-bombing-in-anbar-.html

(6) Carrie Kirby: "The advertising game: Adopting the latest
thing in advertising, Army out to do some computer recruiting," San
Francisco Chronicle, August 5, 2002, Sec. E 1; MOVES Booklet 7; a
Wisconsin counter-recruitment group was recently successful in
booting recruiters armed with the video game from "Summerfest" before
the Army pressured festival organizers to let them back in if they
restricted game to those 17 or older.

(7) Gary Webb: "The Killing Game," Newsreivew.com, November 4,
2004, http://www.newsreview.com/sacramento/Content?oid=23529

(8) MOVES Booklet 28.

(9) Jason Dobson: "Army Game Project's Frank Blackwell on
'America's Army,'" Serious Game Source, September 2006; Webb: "The
Killing Game."

(10) Seth Schiesel: "On Maneuvers with the Army's Game Squad,"
The New York Times, February 17, 2005, Sec. G1

(11) American Civil Liberties Union US Violations of Optional
Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict: Sons of
Misfortune: Abusive US Military Recruitment and Failure to Protect
Child Soldiers, May 23, 2008; United Nations Committee on the Rights
of the Child, Forty-eight Session: "Consideration of Reports
Submitted by States Parties Under Article 8 of the Optional Protocol
to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of
Children in Armed Conflict," June 6, 2008.

(12) Jose Antonio Vargas: "Virtual reality prepares US soldiers
for real war; Young warriors say video shooter games helped hone
skills," The Wall Street Journal Europe, February 15, 2006; Patrik
Jonsson: "Enjoy the video game? Then join the Army," The Christian
Science Monitor, September 19, 2006.

(13) The Washington Post: "'America's Army' video game doubles
as military recruiter; Officials hope online multiplayer adventure
will encourage teens to volunteer of service," May 30, 2005, Sec.
A13; Joan Ryan: "Army's war game recruits kids," San Francisco
Chronicle, September 23, 2004, Sec. B1; Eric Gwinn: "Uncle Sam wants
you - for 'America's Army,'" The Chicago Tribune, November 7, 2003.

.