Wednesday, May 28, 2008

Military Recruiters Must Be Confronted [by Ron Kovic]

Stopping the War Machine:
Military Recruiters Must Be Confronted

http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/20080526_ron_kovic_on_berkeley_recruitment_resistance/

May 28, 2008
By Ron Kovic

As a former United States Marine Corps sergeant who was shot and
paralyzed from my mid-chest down during my second tour of duty in
Vietnam on Jan. 20, 1968, I am sending my complete support and
admiration to all those now involved in the courageous struggle to
stop military recruitment in Berkeley and across the country.

Not since the Vietnam War protests of the late 1960s has there been a
cause more just than the one you are now engaged in. Who knows better
the deep immorality and deception of military recruiters than those
of us who, decades ago, entered those same recruiting offices with
our fathers, believing in our hearts that we were being told the
truth­only to discover later we had been deceived and terribly
betrayed? Many of us paid for that deceit with our lives, years of
suffering and bodies and minds that were never the same again. If
only someone had warned us, if only someone had had the courage to
speak out against the madness that we were being led into, if only
someone could have protected us from the recruiters whose only wish
was to make their quota, send us to boot camp and hide from us the
dark secret of the nightmare which awaited us all.

Over the past five years, I have watched in horror the mirror image
of another Vietnam unfolding in Iraq. So many similarities, so many
things said that remind me of that war 30 years ago which left me
paralyzed and confined to a wheelchair for life. Refusing to learn
from the lessons of Vietnam, our government continues to pursue a
policy of deception, distortion, manipulation and denial, doing
everything it can to hide from the American people their true
intentions and agenda in Iraq. As we pass the fifth anniversary of
the start of this tragic and senseless war, I cannot help but think
of the young men and women who have been wounded, nearly 30,000,
flooding Walter Reed, Bethesda, Brooke Army Medical Center and
veterans hospitals all across our country. Paraplegics, amputees,
burn victims, the blinded, shocked and stunned, brain-damaged and
psychologically stressed, a whole new generation of severely maimed
men and women who were not even born when I came home wounded to the
Bronx Veterans Hospital in New York in 1968.

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which afflicted so many of us
after Vietnam, is just now beginning to appear among soldiers
recently returned from the current war. For some the agony and
suffering, the sleepless nights, anxiety attacks and awful bouts of
insomnia, alienation, anger and rage will last for decades­if not
their whole lives. They will be trapped in a permanent nightmare of
that war, of killing another man, a child, watching a friend die ...
fighting against an enemy that can never be seen, while at any moment
someone, a child, a woman, an old man­anyone­might kill them.

These traumas return home with us and we carry them, sometimes
hidden, for agonizing decades. They deeply impact our daily lives,
and the lives closest to us. To kill another human being, to take
another life out of this world with one pull of a trigger, is
something that never leaves you. It is as if a part of you dies with
that person. If you choose to keep on living, there may be a healing,
and even hope and happiness again, but that scar and memory and
sorrow will be with you forever. Why did the recruiters never mention
these things? This was never in the slick pamphlets they gave us.

Some of these veterans are showing up at homeless shelters around our
country, while others have begun to courageously speak out against
the senselessness and insanity of this war and to demand answers from
the leaders who sent them there. During the 2004 Democratic National
Convention, returning soldiers formed a group called Iraq Veterans
Against the War, just as we had marched in Miami in August of 1972 as
Vietnam Veterans Against the War. Still others have refused
deployment to Iraq, gone to Canada and begun resisting this immoral
and illegal war. Like many other Americans, I have seen them on
television or at the local veterans hospitals, but for the most part,
they remain hidden like the flag-draped caskets of our dead returned
to Dover Air Force Base in the dark of night, as this administration
continues to pursue a policy of censorship, tightly controlling the
images coming out of that war and rarely allowing the human cost of
its policy to be seen.

Many of us promised ourselves long ago that we would never allow what
happened to us in Vietnam to happen again. We had an obligation, a
responsibility, as citizens, as Americans, as human beings, to raise
our voices in protest. We could never forget the hospitals, the
intensive-care wards, the wounded all around us fighting for their
lives, those long and painful years after we came home, those lonely
nights. There were lives to save on both sides, young men and women
who would be disfigured and maimed, mothers and fathers who would
lose their sons and daughters, wives and other loved ones who would
suffer for decades to come if we did not do everything we could to
stop the momentum of this madness.

Mario Savio once said, "There's a time when the operation of the
machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart, that you can't
take part, you can't even passively take part, and you've got to put
your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon
all the apparatus and you've got to make it stop! And you've got to
indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that
unless you're free the machine will be prevented from working at all."

It is time to stop the war machine. It is time for bold and daring
action on the part of us all. Precious lives are at stake, both
American and Iraqi, and military recruiters must be confronted at
every turn, in every high school, every campus, every recruiting
office, on every street corner, in every town and city across
America. In no uncertain terms we must make it clear to them that by
their actions they represent a threat to our community, to our
children and all that we cherish. We must explain to them that
condemning our young men and women to their death, setting them up to
be horribly maimed, and psychologically damaged in a senseless and
immoral war, is wrong and unpatriotic and will not be tolerated by
Berkeley­or, for that matter, any town or city in the United States.

The days of deceiving, manipulating and victimizing our young people
are over. We have had enough, and I strongly encourage all of you to
use every means of creative, nonviolent civil disobedience to stop
military recruitment all across our country. I stand with you in this
important and courageous fight, and I am confident your actions in
the days ahead will inspire countless others across our country to do
everything they can to end this deeply immoral and illegal war.
--

(Note: This statement represents portions of several essays and
writings I have done over the past five years.­R.K.)

.

Monday, May 26, 2008

He recruited a Marine and a wife at the same time

He recruited a Marine and a wife at the same time

http://www.rockwallheraldbanner.com/opinion/local_story_144193518.html?keyword=topstory

By Jerry Hogan
May 23, 2008

I know that if you have talked with any soldier or Marine, they will
tell you all kinds of wild stories about their recruiter. From "the
guy was a super salesman" to "he really had his act together and he's
the main reason I joined up."

But I bet no one has ever told you that his recruiter, while a
recruiter, went out and recruited his wife into both the service and
into being his wife at the same time! Well Corporal Shawn Bentley of
Caddo Mills sure went this route and succeeded at being both a
recruiter for the Marine Corps as well as being his own recruiter of
a lovely wife.

Shawn graduated from Caddo Mills High School in May of 2005 and
immediately left for Boot Camp. Once he finished his 13 weeks there,
he was then sent to Virginia Beach, Virginia, where he spent the next
three months going to specialized job training in his basic job
function of being an Intelligence specialist. But since Shawn had
enlisted under a reserve option, once he finished his schooling, he
reported back to his reserve unit in Grand Prairie. Here he learned
he could either go the normal reservist route where he drilled once a
month and then spent two weeks in the summer training, or he could
volunteer to be a "recruiters aide" and work for a period of time on
active duty. He decided to do this and was assigned to recruiting
duty in Greenville, a town nine miles from his home town of Caddo Mills.

So here he is in Greenville being a spotless Marine encouraging young
men and women to join the service, when one day this special young
lady walked in the office. Rather than being overzealous in pursuing
her, he decided the best approach was the "gradually get to know each
other" approach. After several months of her coming in the recruiting
office for paperwork, checking out the various programs the Marine
Corps had to offer, and learning more about her recruiting options,
they finally went on a date. And from that date came the courtship
and then the marriage.

But now there is the big problem. His wife has enlisted in the
Marines and leaves for boot camp and then she will be in training to
be a heavy construction equipment operator. He is still a reservist
and his "volunteering" to be a recruiter's aide has run its course,
so it will be back to a civilian in North Texas while his wife gets
assigned someplace a long way from this area. He does the only thing
a new husband can do…he requests a call to active duty and now they
are both hard-charging Marines together in California.

I asked his wife, Lance Corporal Mary Bentley, the former Mary
Pemberton, a 2006 graduate of Commerce High School, why she had
enlisted and what she thought when she first met her future husband
in the recruiting office.

"There is no one reason why I enlisted," Mary said. "My granddad was
a retired Marine Corps Gunnery Sergeant and always talked about the
Corps, so that is where my interest came from. After getting out of
school I thought about it and went to talk with a recruiter. I
decided that day to enlist. I also met my future husband on that day.
I don't believe in love at first sight, but I knew there was
something about him. After we became friends, I knew he was the one.
It's kind of like you know, you just know."

Currently both Shawn and Mary live in an apartment in Oceanside,
California, which is right next to the major Marine Corps base on the
west coast, Camp Pendleton. They are currently in the process of
buying a house just outside the main gate of the base. I asked Mary
what it was like to be married with both parties being Marines versus
just dating.

"It is harder being married," she said. "There is a huge difference
in being single in the service and being married. Since we are
married we both have more responsibilities as we must consider the
other person and we must take care of our family and not just ourselves."

Shawn, when asked the same question said, "It is a real experience
with us both being Marines. And I believe it has the advantage of
both spouses being knowledgeable enough about the Marines so it is
easier to relate to each other when it comes to our service. It also
plays the same role when either of us is deployed as we both know and
understand why it is happening."

The real test of how well this works is in the answer to the
question, "What would you tell a couple thinking about joining the
military together." Their answer: "If the person was single, we would
tell them this is the best experience of their life. If they were a
couple we would say that it is very rough being away from each other
for months at a time and it will test your relationship to the
breaking point, but in the end it is worth it if you are in for the
right reason."

Caddo Mills, home of Shawn, is a relatively small town of about 1,300
people with a high school that has about 375 students. The town
itself is on Texas State Highway 66 about nine miles southwest of
Greenville, and about 15 miles northeast of Rockwall. But like many
small towns in Texas, the input to our armed services from their high
school is significant. For example, in Shawn's graduating class of
2005, nine classmates enlisted in the Marine Corps and two went in
the Army. Since over ten percent of all service members in the
Department of Defense come from the state of Texas, these numbers are
probably not surprising, but they sure are impressive.

Men and women from our small towns as well as our cities and suburbs
make up our armed services today. They are all volunteers and they
all are involved in this International War on Terrorism our country
was so violently thrown into with the events of September 11, 2001.
Our country continues to debate the course we should follow in this
war, but there is no debate on the courage and sacrifices these
servicemen and women are making. Please make that extra effort to
tell our military members "Thank you for your service and what you
are doing for us."
--

To have the story of your friend or relative told in this column,
please contact retired US Army Lieutenant Colonel Jerry Hogan at
214-394-4033 or jerryhogan@sbcglobal.net.

.

Guard recruitment continues upward

Guard recruitment continues upward

http://www.wctrib.com/articles/index.cfm?id=37800&section=news&freebie_check&CFID=39627908&CFTOKEN=31104882&jsessionid=883026505b8b2e4f3cb7

By Tom Cherveny, West Central Tribune
Published Saturday, May 24, 2008

WILLMAR ­ Today's high school graduates were finishing the seventh
grade when American troops rolled into Iraq.

Five years later and the war still unresolved, they are joining the
Minnesota National Guard in numbers higher than any seen before 9/11.

Some are signing up knowing that they will be deployed to Iraq as
soon as they complete their training, local recruiters told the
Tribune. All prospective recruits are told that an overseas
deployment is a very real possibility.

"It's more a question of not if, but when,'' said Samantha Robinson
of Buffalo, a brand new member of the Minnesota Guard in describing
the message she took from her recruiter.

Robinson and friend Kim Dyal of Sauk Centre, also a new recruit, were
at the National Guard Armory in Willmar early last week to visit with
nearly a dozen high school students from the area. They came for
pizza and the chance to hear more about the Guard.

In contrast to what many might believe, recruitment has "never been
better'' for the Guard, according to Lt. Col. Jake Kulzer.

He returned from duty in Iraq to head the Minnesota National Guard
recruitment efforts nine months ago. He has big boots to fill: From
2001 to 2007, the Minnesota National Guard grew by 12.3 percent,
adding more than 1,000 soldiers, or the equivalent of a combat
battalion, according to the Guard. Its 2007 annual report shows 13,651 members.

Recruiters were given the mission of signing up 1,400 new members
this year, but are on pace to add 1,800 or possibly even 2,000,
according to Kulzer.

The prospective recruits are also among the best the Guard has ever
considered, Kulzer said. Scores on the Armed Forces Vocational
Aptitude Battery test and high school grades have been trending
upward in recent years, he said.

Fewer than 2 percent of the men and women joining the Guard enter
with a "moral waiver'' for any criminal convictions, such as underage
consumption of alcohol. In other states, it's more typical that 6
percent enter under waivers, according to Kulzer.

Recruitment is strongest in the areas of the state where the Guard
has traditionally seen its greatest support. Rural areas have always
sent a greater proportion of its young people into the Guard than
urban areas, and that is still the case, said Kulzer.

Sgt. 1st Class Sarah Stafford has been overseeing recruitment efforts
in the Willmar area. Her husband recently returned from duty in Iraq
with the Litchfield unit. Like everyone else, she mourned the loss of
local Guardsmen who have given their lives in Iraq.

Sgt. Stafford said the realities of Iraq are very much on the minds
of young people who consider joining the Guard. It is the topic most
often raised by their parents.

At the same time, Stafford said young people often cite the events of
9/11 and the war as strengthening their desire to serve their country.

New recruits cite two factors more than anything else in their
decision to enlist, according to Staff Sgt. Mindy Davis, who works in
marketing for the Guard. They are attracted by the educational
support and economic incentives the Guard offers, and by a sense of patriotism.

"They want to be part of something bigger than themselves,'' Kulzer said.

Dyal and Robinson said both the opportunity for educational
assistance and a desire to serve country were important factors in
their decisions to enlist. They said their decisions were also
influenced by the fact that they have parents or other close
relatives with prior military service.

Davis said a recent survey of new recruits showed that well over
one-half of them came from families with a military tradition.

Kulzer also credits the leadership in the Guard for making it a more
appealing option for young people. And, he said there is no doubt
that the public and media attention given to servicemen and women as
they are welcomed back from Iraq has been very important too.

High school guidance counselors at six area schools contacted via
e-mail told the Tribune that student interest in the Guard appears to
be at least the same as in the past, although it is something they do
not formally track. They noted that the war in Iraq is very much a
factor on the minds of students, but so too is the economy and the
economic and educational benefits the Guard offers.

.

Area Army recruiters struggle to hit goals

Area Army recruiters struggle to hit goals

http://www.thetimes-tribune.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=19718999&BRD=2185&PAG=461&dept_id=415898&rfi=

BY DAVID SINGLETON
STAFF WRITER
05/25/2008

Sgt. 1st Class Brian K. Jensen can't really explain it.

All the commander of the U.S. Army's Scranton Recruiting Station can
say with certainty after a decade of trying to sell young men and
women on a service life is that recruiting is cyclical.

"Some years are good in some places, and some years aren't good in
some places," the sergeant said.

While Air Force and Navy recruiters in Northeastern Pennsylvania are
keeping pace with their recruiting objectives ­ or missions, as
they're called ­ it's been a bumpy couple of years for Sgt. 1st Class
Jensen's office.

In fiscal 2007, the Scranton station, which covers all of Lackawanna
County, was "missioned" for 106 new enlistments; it got 59. So far in
2008, there have been 48 enlistments, 17 off the station's goal for
the year to date.

Sgt. 1st Class Jensen looks at it positively: While the station still
lags behind its objective, it is on pace to soon surpass last year's
enlistment total with four months left in the current year.

The Air Force recruiting station in Wilkes-Barre, which has oversight
for all of Northeastern Pennsylvania, said 62 recruits have reserved
jobs or left for training in fiscal 2008, three ahead of its goal.

"It's pretty easy for us to find kids who are willing," said Master
Sgt. Michael Fly, regional supervisor.

Although he couldn't provide a breakdown between new recruits and
re-enlistments, Cmdr. Gary Perkins, commanding officer of the
Pittsburgh Navy Recruiting District, said the service obtained 274
contracts in Northeastern Pennsylvania in 2007, well ahead of its goal of 173.

While the 133 contracts so far in 2008 is comfortably ahead of the
year-to-date goal of 99, matching the 2007 numbers is probably out of
reach, in part because the Navy has fewer recruiters in the region
this year, he said.

"A lot of factors go into it," Cmdr. Perkins said.

Sgt. 1st Class Jensen said the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are
creating challenges for recruiters, particularly those for the Army.

Even though the other services have personnel in the war zones, when
CNN or another cable news network airs a report about a soldier
getting killed or wounded, some people automatically think Army
"because that is what we do," he said.

Sgt. 1st Class Jensen thinks there are many men and women between 18
and 25 who want to serve in the Army but are discouraged by parents,
significant others or friends. And then there are some who want no part of it.

"But that's why we serve in the military, so that people who decide
to or not to can have that right to so choose," he said. "That's why
I wear the uniform."
--

Contact the writer: dsingleton@timesshamrock.com

.

Sunday, May 25, 2008

A victim of the war within

A SOLDIER'S TRAGIC TALE

A victim of the war within

http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/front/5788103.html

Suicides of Houston Army recruiter and his wife leave questions of
struggle that endured after Iraq

By LINDSAY WISE
May 18, 2008

Army recruiter Nils Aron Andersson sat behind the wheel of his
brand-new Ford F-150, firing round after round into the truck's CD
player and radio with a .22-caliber semiautomatic pistol. Spent
cartridges littered the seats and floorboards, along with a paper
pharmacy bag holding a prescription for the antidepressant Lexapro.

Andersson's wife, Cassy Walton, had been trying to reach the
25-year-old sergeant on his cell phone for hours. He finally picked
up about 2 a.m. and told her he wanted to kill himself.

Walton begged him to keep talking to her. Andersson told her he was
on the top floor of a downtown Houston parking garage and ended the
call. Then he put the pistol to his head, just above his right ear.

Minutes later, Walton raced up the stairs of the garage to find her
husband of less than 24 hours slumped on the driver's side of his
truck, bleeding from a single bullet wound to his right temple.

Sobbing, she unlocked the truck with her own key, climbed onto his
lap, and started CPR.

"Why did you do this?" she screamed.

When Andersson killed himself on March 6, 2007, he became one of at
least 16 Army recruiters to commit suicide nationwide since 2000.
Five of those suicides occurred in Texas, including three at the
Houston Recruiting Battalion, where Andersson worked after serving
two tours of duty in Iraq.

Roughly one in five U.S. troops returning from Iraq and Afghanistan
reports symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder or major
depression, but only slightly more than half have sought treatment,
according to a recently published Rand Corp. study. Of those who did
seek care, only about half received minimally adequate treatment, the
study found.

Amid increasing concerns about failure to screen, diagnose and treat
soldiers with mental health problems adequately, Andersson's story
raises questions about the pressures faced by the growing number of
veterans who return from multiple combat deployments to high-stress
recruiting assignments back home.

Leaving for Iraq

A quiet, skinny kid who loved to fish, hunt and ride ATVs along the
Oregon coast, where he was born, Andersson ­ who preferred his middle
name Aron ­ joined the Army's 82nd Airborne Division in 2002, three
years after graduating high school.

In 2003, he left to fight in the initial U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.
It was the first time he'd been abroad in his life.

"I probably prayed more in the first six months than I had in a long
while," said his father, Bob Andersson, 53, who works for the city
parks department in Eugene, Ore. "Every time the phone rings, you
panic. I'm not kidding you there; for months, I'd come home and I'd
stop at the end of the street and go, 'God, I hope there's not a car
with military plates in front of my house.' "

Andersson earned a Bronze Star with valor for saving the lives of two
other soldiers during a firefight. But when he came home, the soldier
avoided his family's questions about the war.

Relieved to have him back, they didn't press him.

"When I asked him how he'd earned his Bronze Star, he just said,
'Doing my job, Dad,' " Bob Andersson said.

The father remembers looking at photographs taken during his son's
service in Iraq and feeling helpless to understand what the young man
had been through.

"You can't imagine what was going on," he said. "You can see the
pictures, but you still weren't there to smell it, or feel the heat,
or see the cars burning or what was left of someone after a bomb went off."

The only thing the father knew for sure was that his son had changed.
He was more frustrated, less patient and harder to talk to.

"Did he come back different? Yeah," Bob Andersson said. "I don't
think there's anybody who goes over there and fights on the front
lines who ever comes back the same."

The soldier once told his father about working a barricade in Iraq
when a white van barreled toward U.S. troops, ignoring warning shots
and orders to stop.

"It was definitely a suicide mission, and he said this van full of
people came in and they had to, quote, 'light it up,' " Bob Andersson
said. "And he said there were children in there and everything. I
could tell that really, really, bothered him."

Life as a recruiter

When Andersson transferred to the Houston Recruiting Battalion, his
father hoped that he would be able to put the past behind him.
Instead, he became more depressed.

"He had a heart of gold and that, I think, is what killed him.
Because he got into something so outrageously different than his
basic makeup, and he just couldn't get over it."

As a recruiter stationed in River Oaks and Rosenberg, Andersson often
worked six days a week, routinely got home after 11 p.m., and would
sometimes weep from despair and exhaustion, said his ex-girlfriend
Marsha Maxey, a mortgage banker who dated the soldier before he met
Cassy Walton.

Maxey met Andersson in August 2005 at an Irish pub in Columbia, S.C.,
where he was attending recruiter school at Fort Jackson.

"He was a good-looking man ­ tall, blue eyes, blond hair, smart,
funny and kind. A sensitive guy and a man in uniform, that whole
thing," Maxey said. "He swept me off my feet."

Their 14-year age difference was never a problem, said Maxey, who is
40. "It worked out very well because he was an old soul," she said.
"He'd seen a lot of things for his young age."

Two months into a whirlwind romance, she moved to Texas to be with
him when Andersson began his new job with the Houston Recruiting Battalion.

"It was instantly an incredibly stressful job," Maxey said. "From the
beginning since I met him, he cried very easily and I thought, 'Oh,
he's just sensitive,' but then it got worse."

Occasionally, Andersson talked to Maxey about his time in Iraq. The
details slipped out in bits and pieces ­ like a story about surviving
a deadly helicopter crash, or carrying a wounded buddy to safety
after his unit was ambushed.

"He told me he kicked down over 1,000 doors," Maxey said. "He was the
lead guy, the first one to go in, and most of the time it was the
wrong place. There would be terrified old people and little kids
sitting there."

Andersson suffered from dramatic mood swings. He got nervous in big
crowds and would wake up in the middle of the night "just screaming,"
Maxey said.

Andersson also developed a low self-esteem and an extreme fear of
abandonment, she said. A few months before he committed suicide, he
sent Maxey a text message saying he was "going to get rid of himself
because he was a monster like Saddam," she recalled.

"He would just get so distraught over his job and the things he'd
seen," Maxey said. "It was more than he could take."

Mounting pressure

Making matters worse, Andersson felt uncomfortable in the role of
salesman for the Army. He was painfully honest with prospective
recruits, even if his candor turned them off, she said.

"He was morally opposed to putting more young men into that
situation, where they could be injured or killed or see the things
he'd seen," Maxey said.

His superiors repeatedly criticized him for failing to meet his goal
of signing two new recruits a month and assigned him five-page essays
or extra duty as punishment, she said. In February 2006, he was
passed up for promotion to staff sergeant.

"It wasn't that he was lazy or not working. It's just that he was not
getting recruits and being punished for it, constantly," she said.
"It was just not the job for him."

Andersson was proud to be a soldier, but he wasn't cut out for
recruiting, said his friend Chris Rodriguez.

Long hours, few days off and mounting pressure to deliver fresh
volunteers made life "truly awful," Rodriguez said in a series of
e-mails and a telephone interview with the Houston Chronicle from
Anbar Province in Iraq, where he was serving a tour of duty at the
time of Andersson's death.

''In the recruiting station I was at, a good third of the people went
on antidepressants while working there," said Rodriguez, who met
Andersson in Texas while assigned to the Houston Recruiting
Battalion. "You could come to work as motivated as you wanted, but as
soon as you passed the threshold of the doorway, it'd suck the life
away from you. Looking around, you'd see miserable people."

If recruiters failed to sign up enough prospects, their commanders
told them they were failures, Rodriguez said. "They tell you, 'That's
why your buddy in Iraq doesn't have a full battalion, because you're
letting him down,' "he said.

The stress took its toll. Back in Iraq, Rodriguez had nightmares
about his time recruiting in Houston.

"The pressure recruiting puts on you wears you down so badly," he
said. "We often said that we'd rather be in Iraq than recruiting. It's true."

Threats of suicide

By October 2006, Andersson's problems had become too serious to ignore.

When he put a gun in his mouth during an argument with Maxey, she
called Andersson's father, who contacted the Army.

When he heard what his father had done, Andersson was furious.

"He said, 'Thanks for ruining my career, Dad,' " his father said.
"And I said, 'Well, I'm sorry about that, Aron.' And he goes, 'Why
did you do it?' I just told him, 'You know, if something happened to
you and I could've done anything at all to prevent it and I didn't, I
could never live with myself. Because the only thing I'm sure of in
this world is the father's supposed to die before the children.' "

The next day, an officer took Andersson to Brooke Army Medical Center
at Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio, where he underwent three days of
tests and counseling. A psychiatrist determined he was "clinically
depressed but no immediate danger to himself," Army records show.

"The psychiatrist told him he had depression and PTSD (post-traumatic
stress disorder) and said he would send him a referral for a
psychiatrist and therapist in Houston, but he never did," Maxey said.
"Aron never received any follow-up."

Medical records from Brooke Army Medical Center show that Andersson
was prescribed medication for depression and anxiety after doctors
evaluated him for potential self-harm on Oct. 23, 2006. Records also
show at least two subsequent appointments were canceled by the
facility and one by Andersson.

Meanwhile, Andersson's commanders at the Houston Recruiting Battalion
directed his station in Rosenberg to keep an eye on him and ordered
his weapons to be taken away.

But Andersson managed to keep the .22-caliber pistol he'd used to
threaten suicide.

His parents say their son's commanders and doctors should have
monitored him more closely to ensure he was getting the help he needed.

"Obviously, they did not take it seriously enough," said Andersson's
mother, Charlotte Porter. "He needed to have a break period. He
needed to be removed from his position and get treatment."

As a soldier who served his country honorably, Andersson deserved the
best possible care, regardless of whether his wounds were physical or
mental, his father said.

"I don't think Aron let the Army down, I think the Army let him
down," he said. "I think that the care wasn't there that he really needed."

A new relationship

By December 2006, Andersson still hadn't started regular therapy.

As his relationship with Maxey fell apart, he met Cassy Walton, a
vivacious investment banker who also struggled with severe
depression. He eventually would leave the Texas Avenue apartment he
shared with Maxey at Lofts at the Ballpark to move into Walton's loft
in the old Rice Hotel building, a dozen blocks away.

The day before New Year's Eve, Andersson threatened suicide again,
this time in front of Walton.

In January, Walton sent an e-mail addressed to Andersson and a
handful of other people, announcing she planned to kill herself.

Neither went through with their threats, but their deadly
brinksmanship worried those around them.

"It's amazing that two people so volatile could get together like
that," Maxey said. "I don't know if they were trying to rescue each
other, to keep each other from committing suicide, but it turned out
to be the worst combination. They both needed help so badly."

Walton had bipolar disorder, commonly known as manic depression, said
her sister, Cindy Walton.

It was a condition she shared with their mother, who killed herself
in October 2003 by setting her car on fire.

"Cassy was never the same after that," her sister said. "She was a
real mama's girl."

A short, tragic marriage

It wasn't until the day the couple married, March 5, 2007, that
Andersson finally had an appointment with a psychiatrist in Houston.

Afterward, Andersson sent his friend Chris Rodriguez an online
message: "I went to the wizard today, she told me that I need to get
out of the army and my job sucks. I could have told her that ... but
anyhow. I will be alright."

He told Rodriguez he'd replaced his old Jeep Wrangler with a Ford
F-150, but he never mentioned he'd married Cassy Walton in a brief
civil ceremony at 8:30 that morning. Andersson didn't tell his
parents or younger brother, John, either.

The newlyweds had agreed to meet up after work, but Andersson came
home around 8:45 p.m. to an empty apartment. His bride was
celebrating their marriage with friends at Shay McElroy's Irish Pub
downtown on Main.

Walton later told police Andersson "seemed to be upset because she
was not paying as much attention to him as he thought she should be."

The couple argued. Andersson stormed out and drove to Maxey's
apartment, where the recruiter told his ex-girlfriend he feared he'd
made a big mistake.

Then Walton arrived.

"She was beating on the door like she was going to knock it down,"
Maxey said. "I just thought, 'This is crazy. I can't put up with this
kind of stuff.' "

Maxey told Andersson she'd had enough.

"As much as I loved him, I knew I shouldn't be in that relationship,"
she said. He left about 1:30 a.m. but called her again on his cell
phone. "He said, 'I don't know what to do, I don't know what I'm
going to do.' " Andersson finally agreed to go spend the night with a friend.

Instead, he locked himself inside his new Ford pickup on the top
floor of Maxey's parking garage with the same .22-caliber pistol he'd
put in his mouth in October.

Less than an hour later, he was dead.

The phone call

A phone ringing at 3 a.m. jarred Bob Andersson from sleep to the news
that his son had killed himself.

He wasn't surprised.

"It was really surreal," he said. "I'd been hoping and praying, of
course, that it would never happen, and then when it did, there
wasn't any shock. I mean, it wasn't shock, it was just your worst nightmare."

He called his son's commanders at the recruiting battalion to tell
them Aron had committed suicide. A sergeant answered the phone.

"He said, 'Oh my God! Oh my God!' Then he called up a major and said,
'I've got Sgt. Andersson's dad on the phone, and he says Aron shot
himself,' " Bob Andersson recalled. "And that's when I overheard the
major ask him, 'How in the hell could he shoot himself? We
confiscated all his guns.' "

New threats of suicide

Three hours after Houston police called Andersson's mother to report
her son's suicide, the phone rang again. On the other end of the
line, a woman named Cassy Walton identified herself as Andersson's wife.

Charlotte Porter, who is divorced from Andersson's father, knew
Walton had been dating her son for about three months. She had no
idea the couple had married less than 24 hours before her son's death.

"I knew about her and that he had moved in with her," said Porter,
51, a staffing representative with a temp agency in Eugene. "I had
never met her. And I'd never talked to her before, either."

Police had found Walton sobbing and screaming as she tried to perform
CPR on Andersson's body.

Now, on the phone with her mother-in-law, Walton told Porter she
wanted to join him.

"I said, 'Cassy, are you alone? You can't be alone,' " Porter said.

Walton gave her a friend's phone number to call in Houston.

Porter hung up and immediately dialed the number. "You need to go to
Cassy right now," she said.

Walton's friends took her to nearby St. Joseph Medical Center for
psychiatric care. She still wore clothes drenched in her husband's
blood when she voluntarily committed herself.

Her younger sister, Cindy Walton, was relieved to hear her sibling
had been hospitalized. She worried her sister might try to hurt
herself now that she'd lost both her mother and her husband to suicide.

"I understood the hospital was going to hold her for 24 hours because
she had mentioned suicide," she said. About 8:30 p.m., however, Cassy
Walton checked herself out and asked one of Andersson's commanders,
Maj. Bruce Finklea, to drive her home.

Finklea dropped Walton off at her apartment with a friend, Amanda
Powell. Later, Powell called Finklea back and asked him to return
Walton to the hospital.

But Walton refused to go. Finklea called 911.

When police arrived, Walton told them she was not suicidal, just
tired. Police said they saw nothing wrong with her and left.

The next morning, the Houston Recruiting Battalion's commander, Lt.
Col. Troy Reeves, visited Walton at her apartment, where she also met
with a casualty assistance officer. At some point, however, Walton
was left alone again.

She went to a sporting goods store and bought a 9 mm handgun. Then
she started drinking.

A few hours later, Walton called Andersson's younger brother, John,
in Oregon. Walton said she had a gun and did not want to live. The
Anderssons alerted Houston police, but as officers tried to talk to
her through the door of her apartment at Post Rice Lofts, Walton
pulled the trigger.

Police found her sprawled on her bed wearing Andersson's fatigue
jacket and dog tags. She was pronounced dead at 7:45 p.m. March 7,
2007 ­ one day after Andersson killed himself, and two days after
their wedding.

Mourning a soldier

During a yearlong review of the couple's suicides by the Chronicle,
Army officials declined to answer questions about the circumstances
of their deaths, instead referring the newspaper to documents
obtained by family members and a reporter through the Freedom of
Information Act.

In a written statement, Lt. Col. Reeves praised Andersson as "an
outstanding fallen comrade."

Although he said privacy laws prevented him from discussing
Andersson's diagnoses, treatment or death, Reeves stressed that the
well-being of the battalion's soldiers is "a priority."

Whenever commanders become aware of the need for a recruiter or his
family to obtain mental health treatment, they "seek recommendations
from medical professionals and work diligently to implement these
recommendations," Reeves wrote.

The entire battalion was hit hard by Andersson's death, he added.
Fellow recruiters held a memorial in Houston, and some traveled to
Oregon for his funeral. "We still feel and grieve the loss of Sgt.
Andersson, a brother in arms, whose tragic death still causes us ...
to ask questions to which we may never know or fully understand the answers."

Two families in grief

For Bob Andersson and others left to mourn the young couple, grief is
sharpened by regret.

Months after his son's suicide, the father found himself sorting
through photographs at his dining room table in Springfield, Ore.,
peering at the features of his older child as though he might read
some message in his face ­ a warning, a plea for help, an explanation.

"This is the first thing I think of every morning when I wake up," he
said recently. "I've cried more since Aron died than I have the 52
years behind me."

It took Walton's sister months to get over her anger toward
Andersson. She had met him only once or twice before her sister
suddenly announced they were getting married. She thought the soldier
seemed "cold" and emotionally disconnected.

"I blamed him for a long time. I actually told his dad I wanted to
burn his stuff because I thought my sister just didn't need to meet
somebody with such mental problems," said Cindy Walton, who lives
with her 7-year-old son, Randy, in Humble. "Now, learning about his
sickness, I don't blame him. I feel bad for his family because his
family's in pain."

Two months ago, the 28-year-old Realtor received a surprise care
package from Andersson's mother, Charlotte Porter. The box held a
snow globe inscribed in memory of her sister.

A few days later, the two women spoke on the phone for the first time
and wept, Porter said. "I suffer, too, every day, and there's a bond
there," she said.

Porter recently joined a support group for parents with soldiers in Iraq.

Sometimes a parent worried about a son or daughter suffering from
post-traumatic stress disorder or depression will ask Porter what
they should do. She's not sure what to tell them.

Whenever she had asked her son how he was doing, he'd told her he was
fine, that she worried too much, that he was trying to get help.
She'd wanted to believe him. He was proud, and she didn't want to
pry. Now she wishes she had.

"I feel bad I didn't get to know sooner what was going on," Porter
said. "I just wish I had walked right into that recruiting office,
grabbed him by the collar and said, 'You're not getting him back
until he's straightened out.' "
--

lindsay.wise@chron.com

.

Iraq put his life on the trigger

Iraq put his life on the trigger

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-cody24-2008may24,0,3633340.story?page=1&track=mostviewed-storylevel

http://www.truthout.org/article/iraq-put-his-life-trigger

Cody Morris and Casey Hall were best friends who returned from the
war with a passion for playing with guns. When their fun turned
fatal, was it an accident or murder?

By David Zucchino, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
May 24, 2008

BARDWELL, KY. -- When Cody Alexander Morris returned from the war
last fall, he carried home a burden -- a diagnosis of post-traumatic
stress disorder -- and a new way of playing with guns.

The gun game was called "Do You Trust Me?" Morris, 19, learned it
from his Kentucky National Guard buddies in Iraq.

He taught the game to his roommates: best friend and fellow guardsman
Casey Lee Hall, 18, and a 16-year-old cousin, Cory Adams. The young
men would point unloaded handguns at each other's heads, ask "Do you
trust me?" and pull the trigger.

Sometimes the guns came out while the teenagers drank alcohol, smoked
marijuana and played violent video games. They called each other CWB,
for "crazy white boy," and had those three words tattooed on their necks.

"It fit us pretty good," Morris said recently, "'cause we are crazy
white boys. We were potheads -- we'd just drink and smoke . . . and
play-fight."

But the carousing masked Morris' troubled state. His PTSD was so
severe, his friends said, that he couldn't sleep. He had terrifying
visions of people he had killed in combat.

Morris showed his friends horrific photos from Iraq -- "people with
their heads blowed off . . . guts ripped out on barbed wire . . .
bullet holes in every piece of body," said a friend, Dustin Newton.

Sometimes, friends said, Morris would show the photos and laugh.

At night, Morris slept with a loaded 9-millimeter Ruger semiautomatic
handgun under his mattress. His mother bought the gun for him because
he was two years shy of being able to buy it legally.

That gun was in Morris' hand when it went off on the night of Oct.
18, killing Hall with a perfectly placed shot between his eyes.

Cody Morris is small and nimble -- 5 foot 6 and 140 pounds. He refers
to himself as "not a real smart guy." He has a severe learning
disability and reads below the eighth-grade level. He failed fourth
grade and repeated ninth grade before dropping out.

At 15, he was sent to a military-themed reform school for standing
lookout while a friend robbed a store. He was 17 when he earned a GED.

Morris remembers a turbulent upbringing in Bardwell, where he lived
in a trailer with a blended family. (He has a sister, two
half-sisters, two half-brothers and three stepsisters.) One
Christmas, he said, his stepfather smashed the gifts under the tree
and wrote "slut" on a wall with Miracle Whip after a fight with Morris' mother.

Morris was eager to leave Bardwell, population 793, a speck in the
road in far-western rural Kentucky, the county seat in a county with
just one stoplight. Two prominent features downtown are a large
Confederate flag and a "God Bless Our Troops" sign.

Morris decided to follow his older sister, Larissa Roach, into the
Guard. He was underage, so his mother signed him up.

"I wanted him out of this town," said his mother, Bonnie Fernandez,
citing a lack of opportunities.

Morris persuaded Hall -- his best friend since fourth grade -- to
join the Guard with him. Hall's mother enlisted him two days before
he turned 17.

Morris seemed to find a home in the military, with its codes of honor
and discipline. In October 2006, he was sent to war. He turned 18 the
day he landed in Iraq.

Morris said his base near Baghdad was attacked almost daily. He
described shooting an insurgent in the chest and seeing his face as
he died. He spoke of seeing bodies floating in a canal and stepping
on human brains during a house raid.

His team leader noticed disturbing changes in his personality and
persuaded him to see a military psychiatrist, who diagnosed PTSD, Morris said.

"She cracked me open," he said. "I let it all out. I was crying. I
had been holding it all in. . . . She really helped me."

About 300,000 veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan have been diagnosed
with PTSD or major depression, a Rand Corp. study found. Only a small
percentage have committed violent crimes. The veterans receive
various levels of treatment -- or no treatment at all in half the
cases, according to Rand.

Back home, Morris stopped taking the sedative prescribed in Iraq. He
was not seeing a psychologist or psychiatrist. He passed the time
getting high, showing off his gun and playing video games.

Morris said he heard screams in his sleep and suffered flashbacks
that made him feel he was "fixing to die." He was afraid to ride in
cars because he thought other drivers were plotting to ram him with
explosives. He avoided soda cans because opening them produced a
fizzy noise that sounded like a bullet passing overhead.

Even so, he told people he was leaving soon for Ft. Benning, Ga., to
apply for Special Forces training. He said he wanted to return to Iraq.

He loved the military, and he loved his gun; he said it felt natural
to carry it for protection. "Your weapon is your body," he told
police. Gordon Williams, a psychologist who later examined Morris,
said the gun had become "part of his persona."

Once, Adams said, he and Morris were horsing around when the gun went
off, putting a slug in a wall. Another time, according to Matt
Turnbow, 19, a casual acquaintance, Morris put the barrel of his
unloaded gun into another friend's mouth and pulled the trigger.

Adams, who idolized his cousin, wanted a gun to play with too. He
stole a 9-millimeter handgun from a car last fall, he told police. On
Oct. 18, two weeks after Morris came home, he and Adams -- along with
Hall and Turnbow -- were smoking dope and playing Call of Duty, a
video game. As usual, Morris and Adams brandished their guns. What
happened next that evening has been in dispute. During questioning by
police, Morris said Hall had fired the shot that ripped through his
brain. Then Morris stopped talking. "He just picked out a spot and
stared at it like we wasn't there," Carlisle County Sheriff Steve
McChristian said.

Morris was charged with wanton murder and jailed; he faced up to 50
years in prison.

In December, an arsonist burned down the county courthouse in
Bardwell, where some evidence in the murder case was stored. Cody's
father, Larry Morris, was questioned and his home searched, the
sheriff said. The elder Morris was not charged, pending further
investigation. But police did jail him on charges of intimidating a
witness: Turnbow.

Mark Bryant, a prominent lawyer in nearby Paducah and a former state
prosecutor, was hired to defend Cody Morris. Bryant has a
swashbuckling courtroom style and a soothing twang that charms
juries. He argued that the shooting was a terrible accident caused
when Adams tried to wrestle the gun from Morris. The situation was
exacerbated by Morris' PTSD, he said.

"Cody came back from Iraq a totally different person,"
psychologically damaged by killing and brutality, Bryant told a jury
earlier this month in a makeshift courtroom at the Bardwell Masonic Lodge.

The prosecutor, Mike Stacy, dismissed the PTSD talk. Stacy reminded
the jury that he himself had grown up in Bardwell, where people, he
said, rely on their common sense. Clearly, Morris -- not PTSD -- was
responsible for his actions, Stacy said. Heintentionally killed his
best friend during an argument, he said.

"He got mad and grabbed that gun and shot that boy between the eyes,"
Stacy said.

The teenagers who witnessed the shooting confessed that at first they
had told the sheriff a rehearsed lie about Hall committing suicide.
Their story unraveled later that night when Turnbow called Hall's
mother, and then the police, to say that Hall had been shot by
Morris. Morris had placed the gun in Hall's hand as his best friend
lay dying, the teens ultimately told police.

Turnbow, a shambling, unkempt young man who had known Morris for only
two weeks, became the prosecutor's key witness. But Turnbow gave
contradictory statements to police and offered shifting accounts on
the witness stand.

He told the sheriff in a written statement: "Because it was an
accident, Cody would go to jail for a long time for something he
didn't mean to do."

In court, Turnbow said Morris shot his best friend on purpose after
Hall addressed Morris by a racial slur for blacks. Friends said the
teenagers, though white, sometimes used the slur as a grave insult.

Turnbow denied to defense attorney Bryant that he ever told the
police the shooting was an accident. Bryant was incredulous --
Turnbow's statements to the police were right in front of him. He
suggested Turnbow was high on marijuana. "I think the guy's messed up
right now!" he told the judge.

In his testimony, Adams acknowledged lunging for Morris' gun but
denied that he touched the weapon. Adams said the shooting was an
accident. But he also said Morris and Hall had argued over whether
blacks and whites belonged to the same species.

One intriguing bit of testimony in the two-day trial came from a
medical examiner, who noted that the fatal shot struck "right between
the eyebrows" -- a highly unlikely bullet path for an accidental
shot, she said.

Prosecutor Stacy drove home the point, showing the jurors a color
photograph of Hall's face with the fatal wound.

Bryant countered with testimony from Williams, the psychologist, who
has counseled thousands of veterans with PTSD. Williams said he had
examined Morris for 90 minutes and concluded that he had PTSD and was
"in severe distress."

Bryant put Morris on the witness stand.

He wore his military dress green uniform with his Iraq campaign
ribbon. Morris told the jury that Adams had pointed a loaded
9-millimeter handgun at Hall earlier that evening, prompting Hall to
take the clip.

Hall asked Morris for his gun, possibly intending to point it at
Adams after Adams demanded his clip back.

He offered Hall the gun, Morris said, holding it by the rear slide,
his finger away from the trigger. Adams lunged for the weapon, he
said, and it discharged.

Under cross-examination, Stacy asked Morris how Adams could have put
his finger on the trigger and hit Hall perfectly between the eyes if
the two cousins were wrestling over it.

Morris shrugged: "It's true."

If Morris was so traumatized by death and violence in Iraq, Stacy
asked, why did he play video games that required him to kill
imaginary characters? Did he have a good time playing?

Morris hesitated. "Yes, sir."

If Iraq caused his PTSD, Stacy asked, why was Morris so eager to go back?

"I would rather myself go to combat if it has to be done," Morris
answered. "I know the job."

The jury was instructed to decide among three charges -- wanton
murder, second-degree manslaughter or reckless homicide -- plus a
separate charge of tampering with evidence for staging the gun in Hall's hand.

After deliberating just over two hours, the six men and six women
decided on the least of the charges, reckless homicide. They also
found Morris guilty of tampering with evidence. Both charges carry
prison sentences of one to five years.

Morris stared straight ahead, his palms on his thighs.

In the courtroom gallery, police kept watch over Morris' and Hall's
friends and family members. There had been rumors of threats and
confrontations.

Morris, smoking a cigarette outside while the jury deliberated his
sentencing, said he understood the Hall family's anguish. "They may
all hate me," he said, "but I still love them."

Vicky Payne, Hall's mother, sat in a car, weeping. Hall's stepfather,
Rollie Payne, cursed Morris. "We'll never get past this," Payne said,
biting off the words. "There is no closure because there is no justice."

Three hours later, the jury recommended maximum sentences of five
years on each count, to be served consecutively. When Morris' mother
heard the sentences, she let out a sharp cry and buried her face in
her hands. Bryant patted her shoulder. Counting time served awaiting
trial, Bryant told her, Morris would be eligible for parole in less
than two years. Morris watched, impassive.

Afterward, Stacy said that although the defense had portrayed Morris
as both a PTSD victim and a war hero, he did not think the jurors had
bought into that. "I know war heroes," Stacy said, "and Cody Morris
is no war hero."

Before the sentencing, as Morris smoked outside, he said it didn't
really matter if he went to prison, or for how long. He still planned
to figure out a way to get back to Iraq.
--

david.zucchino@latimes.com

Zucchino was on assignment in Kentucky early this month.

.

Friday, May 23, 2008

You, Too, Can Rein In Military Recruiters in the High Schools

You, Too, Can Rein In Military Recruiters in the High Schools

http://www.friendsjournal.org/you-too-can-rein-military-recruiters-high-school

by Nancy Howells & Judy Alves

In the spring of 2005, military recruiters had free rein in some of
the high schools of Lee County, Florida (which includes Fort Myers,
Cape Coral, and surrounding communities, with almost 80,000 students
in our public schools). Military recruiters from the Army, Marines,
Navy, and Air Force set up tables and exercise equipment in the
lunchrooms, courtyards, and hallways of schools, giving away tokens
of military life and signing up students for more information, for
special exercise and computer games based on military life, and for
free trips to the nearest military enlistment center in Tampa. Many
of the schools assigned a day a week to each branch of the military
for recruiting, and all the schools turned over home addresses and
phone numbers of students to the military so that they could contact
them at their leisure.

By coincidence, we had both retired from demanding jobs and moved to
the Fort Myers area a year or so before we started working against
recruiting in high schools. Nancy had recently retired as a professor
of Sociology from University of Toronto, and Judy retired from the
practice of law. With our own children grown up, an interest in
youth, and frustration over the occupation of Iraq, we both felt
called to the work of counter-recruitment.

Our starting point was a great weekend workshop put on by Oskar
Castro of American Friends Service Committee in Philadelphia. Nancy
had heard him speak at the 2005 Southeastern Yearly Meeting in
Leesburg, Florida. On invitation, Oskar came to Fort Myers Meeting a
few months later to work with a group of 12 members of the meeting,
plus seven local peace activists who wanted to hear what he had to
say. Oskar pointed out that it is easier to work in the public
schools as a secular group than as a project of a religious society,
and Fort Myers Meeting, where Nancy is a member, agreed to support
our efforts but not sponsor them.

We did not want to get bogged down in organizational issues; "Just do
it" has always been our motto. So we selected a name, "The Wage Peace
Project"; had some business cards printed up; and set out to learn
about how military recruiting is organized locally and what we could
do to apply what Oskar had taught us about counter-recruiting. We
share the title "co-chair," and we have no other officers or
committees. We personally have done 90 percent of the work of the
project, with help at busy times from an informal circle of a dozen
or so people willing to pitch in when needed. We called it a
"project" as an acknowledgment of what our neighbors in Palm Beach,
Florida, had done with their counter-recruiting group, "The Truth
Project." And we borrowed "wage peace" from AFSC, in large part
because we guessed that high school students would like to have those
popular rubber bracelets with Wage Peace printed on them that AFSC
distributes.

We thought it would be useful to have 501(C)(3) status, so we applied
to our local group, the Environmental and Peace Education Center, led
by Friend Phyllis Stanley and Bobbie Heinrich, to be adopted as its
project. The board of directors of EPEC accepted our proposal without
wishing to exercise tight control over our activities. They could not
provide funding for us, but we figured we would have tax-exempt
status later if we needed to do fundraising. (In fact, we haven't had
to do any as we followed a strategy of keeping our expenses low and
paying them ourselves.) We rented a mailbox from the local UPS store,
to avoid using our home addresses.

We started by attending the Lee County School Board meetings as
observers, and within a month we wrote to the superintendent of
schools to inform him that we were organized as an official
counter-recruiting group and that we intended to exercise our
court-given rights to have the same access to students as the schools
give to the military recruiters (see resources below).

The superintendent of schools delegated the issue of
counter-recruiting to the official school district attorney, who
studied the question for some weeks and then met with us. We were
informed that each school had its own policy set by its principal.
When we made appointments to talk with the individual principals, we
found that they were all unwilling to discuss their policy in detail
without guidance from the school district attorney, and in fact we
received a series of identically worded letters from principals,
suggesting that they were all guided by the attorney on their
responses. Eventually, the school board attorney met with us and
acknowledged what we already knew: that the federal circuit courts
had given permission for counter-recruiters to go into the schools,
to have equal access with the military, and to present the negative
side of military enlistment to the students. After he informed the
principals of his conclusion, the doors opened. We tried to be as
nonconfrontational as we could be, and we agreed to submit our
proposed literature to the attorney's office for review before
submitting it to the principals of schools.

We started with an AFSC brochure, Ten Points to Consider Before You
Sign an Enlistment Agreement, and we had to argue point by point and
word by word with the school board attorney. Eventually, however, he
"passed" the modified document and allowed us to append a sentence
saying, "This pamphlet has been modified from one produced by the
American Friends Service Committee. It has been reviewed and
determined to be legally permissible by the Lee County School Board
attorney for distribution in the high schools of Lee County." With
this clearance, the principals felt confident in allowing us to put
the pamphlet in their career counseling centers, to be distributed
next to the military recruiting literature.

By the time we got our first pamphlet approved, the school year of
2005–2006 was almost over. We met with each of the career counselors
at the 11 large high schools to let them know what we planned for the
next school year. It was clear that they would cooperate with us as
far as the principals authorized them to do so, and no further. In
five schools, we would match the military recruiters by setting up a
table in the courtyard or lunchroom and actively counter-recruit over
lunchtime one day each week. In four schools where the military
recruiters were restricted to the career counselor's office, we would
merely phone each week and only go when a student requested an
appointment with us. And in two schools we could only display
literature in the career counselor's office, because the military
recruiters were not allowed to actively recruit in those schools.

The routine during the 2006–2007 school year was to go to a school
around 10:30 AM and set up a table and a display board with a heading
like "The military is not just a job­it is eight years of your life."
When the first lunch bell rang, students poured out of classrooms
headed for some calories, and we offered a leaflet to the curious on
their way. Usually, serious conversations would not start until after
they had their food; then they would gather around our table, some
friendly, many curious, and a few belligerent. Students told us about
their fears for their brothers and sisters in the military; their
concerns about the plans of their boyfriends and girlfriends; and
their own plans for the future, in the military or outside of it.
Some told us that they were already in the military, by which they
meant that they had signed a Delayed Entry Program (DEP) contract,
promising to go to Basic Training as soon as they graduated. And
others told us about fighting off a steady barrage of phone calls and
letters from recruiters in the various branches of the military, even
though they had no interest in joining. Some of those who seemed to
be headed for enlistment appeared to be very mature and knowledgeable
about military careers, while others seemed to have little
information and understanding. Some were very interested in what we
had to say while others were unwilling to hear us express concerns
about the dangers and difficulties of military life for young people.

We provided information about pay, the terms of enlistment, and the
problems with the Montgomery G.I. Bill of Rights. We handed out a
range of pamphlets over the school year, such as Ask a Recruiter; You
Don't Have to Join the Military to Go to College; and Help Wanted, on
jobs locally available. Our single most powerful piece of literature,
one that we always try to have at our counter-recruiting table, is a
blank copy of the enlistment document, so that we can point out to
students exactly where it says in the Department of Defense
enlistment form that any promises made to them (including promises
made by recruiters) that are not explicitly written in this contract
are invalid and will not be honored; that the length of the term of
enlistment is eight years; and that the government is entitled to
change all the conditions of the contract at any time, while the
recruit is committed to every aspect of the contract, under penalty
of law and prison.

Our task for the summer of 2006 was trying to raise consciousness of
the right of parents to opt out of allowing the schools to turn over
home information about their child to the military for recruitment
purposes. Only 25 percent of the parents had located this box and
checked it during the 2005 school year (before we started). We
carried out a campaign by leafleting local fairs, and by writing
letters to the editors and guest opinion pieces in our local papers,
which resulted in a rate of opt-out of 46 percent in 2006, an
encouraging increase. During that school year we urged the school
district to revise the form so that parents would find it easier to
read and understand. They agreed, and improved it greatly, and in
2007 the percentage of parents who opted out in the 11 large schools
was 55 percent, a clear majority. We urge the school board to
interpret that as a vote by parents to restrict the recruiters in the
schools, too.

We tried various strategies, mimicking the military recruiters. We
gave away candy, cheap pins, and rubber bracelets. All the giveaways
were popular with students. We experimented with showing
counter-recruiting films in the public libraries after school, but
found that virtually no students came to see them (although we met
some nice adults who wandered in). We invested work and stamps to
send a mailing to parents in a high recruitment area where we could
not meet students in the lunchrooms (because the school had a policy
of only allowing recruiting in the career counselor's office, by
appointment), but we got no answers or signs of interest from
parents. Live and learn. However, some of our efforts were
unexpectedly successful. We put together a website and handed out
pencils with the web address printed on them, and got more than
100,000 hits in the month of December 2006.

Did we change anyone's mind about enlistment? We know that at our 11
large schools, of less than 3,000 graduating seniors, 55 announced
that they were going directly into the military in 2006, whereas 45
made the same statement in 2007. However, we hesitate to claim
success in reducing enlistments since during the time we were raising
consciousness about this issue, the war became increasingly unpopular
and fewer people supported the President's plan for the surge of
troops and the increased numbers of military abroad. We know only
that we talked with thousands of students, parents, and others about
the truth of military enlistment.

Throughout the 2006–2007 school year we regularly attended school
board meetings, and we often took the opportunity of the three-minute
public commentary period to remind the board and the community of our
interest in this issue, and what we were learning. At the end of the
school year, Nancy spoke about the varying policies in the 11 large
high schools, and a school board member questioned the difference in
the policies and asked the superintendent to look into it. At a
meeting of high school principals with the superintendent in July
2007, the decision was made to standardize the policy for all the
schools. From now on, military recruiters are restricted to
recruiting only in the guidance or career counseling office, and only
when a student requests an interview with a specific recruiter. Our
counter-recruiting literature will continue to be displayed and
available to students.

We are very pleased with this result. It means that students in the
middle schools and in the early years of high school will not
encounter military recruiters on school grounds, and that the older
students will only encounter them at their own request. We are
encouraged to find that our efforts were rewarded by attention and
consideration from the school district officials and the community.

Why did we succeed in a relatively short period of time? The law was
basically on our side, and the school authorities were committed to
following the law and respecting the parents' wishes when they could
do so. No doubt the fact that one of our co-chairs is a lawyer with
no fear of having to go to court to get the benefits promised in law
added greatly to our persuasiveness. We also made it easier for them
by being nonconfrontational, by agreeing that it would be
inappropriate for us to engage in criticism of the President and his
policies with students on school property. We expressed our respect
for veterans and troops whenever we could, and often mentioned that
the JROTC program is not a target of our work, as they are engaged in
leadership training and education about the military, not
recruitment. In the 2007-08 school year, the military has reduced its
activities in the schools of Lee County. They phone the students who
have not opted out, and try to get them to request appointments in
the Career Counseling office, but the volume of such appointments has
gone down. The Marine Corps attempted to recruit teachers and
counselors to help them influence students, and offered to pay for
trips to Parris Island and for catered lunches for teachers, but when
we asked the school board attorney about such gifts, a message went
out to all principals and counselors that the practice must be stopped.

Of course we haven't solved the problem. The war goes on, young
people go on killing and dying, and the brutality of the war
continues to harm their bodies, minds, and spirits. We would like to
do more, but the Spirit urges us to do what we can, and to share the
results of our efforts with others. We want to help when possible
with the similar struggles going on in other communities. We are sure
there are many communities where young people would benefit if the
military recruiters could be restrained to the limits of the law.
Feel free to contact us if we can help with your local efforts in any way.

The Legal Bases of Recruiting and Counter-recruiting in High Schools
All 18-year-old young men (not women) must voluntarily register for
the draft using a form (SSS Form 1M (UPO)) available at post offices
and on the Internet, despite the absence of a draft since 1973.
Failure to register disqualifies young men from government jobs and
university funds and loans. There is no opening to claim
conscientious objector status on the Selective Service registration
form so COs must keep a file documenting their objection to war in
their own papers. Dated documentation of discussions of war between
the young person and either clergy or a clearness committee is
usually the best way to establish CO status. COs do not have to be
members of Peace Churches, but it helps to establish the legitimacy
of the claim.

Schools must follow the No Child Left Behind Act; Section 85, which
states that schools must give the military services access to
students for recruiting purposes equal to that provided to recruiters
from universities, colleges, and employers. Military recruiters often
have far more access to students than required by law.

This law requires school boards to turn over directory information on
students in high schools­including name, address, phone, school
subjects, e-mail addresses, and other personal information­to each
branch of the military service that requests it, for contact at home
outside of school hours. Parents and students are permitted by NCLB
to opt out by signing a form available at the beginning of the school
year to deny access to directory information for that student.

Counter-recruiters are permitted in the public schools as a result of
a series of court cases. Military recruiting has been found by judges
to be a controversial issue in high schools, so the rights of those
presenting the other side to be heard are protected. The main cases are:
Clergy and Laity Concerned v. Chicago Board of Education (586 F.
Supp. 1408, 1984)
Searcy v. Harris (888 F. 2d 1314, 11th circuit 1989)
San Diego CARD v. Grossmont Union High School District (790 F.2d
1471, 9th Circuit 1986)
Boucher v. School Board of Greenfield (134 F.3rd 821, 7th Circuit, 1998)
Shanley v. NE Indiana School District (462 F.2d 960, 1972)
Atlanta Federal Appellate Case Guarantees Equal Access to Schools for
Military Critics (815 F.2d 1389 38 Ed.Law Rep.929, cite as 815 F.2d 1389)
Emory Searcey, et. Al, Plaintiffs – Appellee v. Alonzo Crim, et. Al,
Defendants-Appellants, United States of America,
Intervenor-Defendant, Appellee, No. 86-8681. US Court of Appeals,
Eleventh circuit, April 17, 1987
San Diego Federal Appellate case Guarantees Equal Access to Schools
for Military Critics (790 F.2d 1471, 55 USLW 2007, 32 Ed.Law Rep.
467, 12 Media L. Rep. 2329 (cite as 790 F.2d 1471) submitted March
11, 1985, decided June 6, 1986
--

Nancy Howell, recording clerk of Fort Myers (Fla.) Meeting, is a
retired professor of Sociology. Judy Alves, a retired lawyer, is a
member of The Grail, an organization devoted to economic and social
justice for women around the world. They can be contacted at
wagepeacelee@yahoo.com.

.

Iraq war and risk of developing bronchiolitis

Iraq war and risk of developing bronchiolitis

http://www.news-medical.net/print_article.asp?id=38552

21-May-2008

A large group of soldiers returning from Iraq have been diagnosed
with bronchiolitis, a disease affecting the small airways of the
lung, according to Vanderbilt University Medical Center physicians
who will present their findings at the American Thoracic Society's
2008 International Conference in Toronto on Wednesday, May 21.

A total of 56 soldiers from Fort Campbell, Kentucky were evaluated
for unexplained shortness of breath on exertion. Surgical lung
biopsies were performed on 31 of the soldiers referred, with 29
having bronchiolitis. Most of those diagnosed with bronchiolitis had
a prolonged exposure to sulfur dioxide from a sulfur mine fire near
Mosul, Iraq in 2003, however, several had no known specific exposures.

The soldiers were initially evaluated with chest x-rays and
computerized tomography, which were normal in almost every case.
Likewise, pulmonary function tests were usually normal or
near-normal. Thoracoscopic lung biopsies were required to
conclusively establish the diagnosis of bronchiolitis in every case.

"All of the soldiers evaluated were physically fit at the time of
deployment. On return, none of those diagnosed with bronchiolitis met
physical training standards. In almost every case they were declared
unfit for duty and were medically boarded with a service connected
disability," said principle investigator of the research, Robert
Miller, M.D., assistant professor of pulmonary and critical care
medicine at Vanderbilt University.

The U.S. Department of Defense believes that the Mosul sulfur fire
was deliberately set and considers it a combat-related event. It was
the largest ever man-made release of sulfur dioxide and was 100 times
greater than the release from the Mount Saint Helen's volcanic
eruption. "Air samples collected by the U.S. Army confirmed that
sulfur dioxide levels in the area were at toxic levels," said Dr. Miller.

The researchers were not surprised that such a high sulfur dioxide
exposure would lead to bronchiolitis, but believe that this may be
the largest series to date examining the effects of such an exposure.
Even more alarmingly, five out of 31 soldiers biopsied had toxic lung
injury without exposure to the Mosul sulfur fire suggesting the
presence of other inhalational toxins.

"However, several soldiers were diagnosed with bronchiolitis and had
no exposure history. We are concerned that there are may be many
unidentified exposures putting soldiers at risk of developing
bronchiolitis," said lead author Matthew King, M.D., pulmonary and
critical care fellow at Vanderbilt University, who added that
"soldiers from Fort Campbell were not the only ones exposed to the
Mosul sulfur. Other battalions were there as well."

Bronchiolitis is known to be associated with many conditions
including organ transplantation, toxic inhalation, infection and
rheumatoid arthritis. In most cases, it is a diagnosis based on
clinical history, x-ray and pulmonary function testing. These
findings suggest that there may be another risk factor: the Iraq war.

"Bronchiolitis needs to be considered in Iraq war veterans presenting
with unexplained shortness of breath on exertion," concluded Dr. King.

http://www.thoracic.org

.

Dollar-Driven Recruiting

Dollar-Driven Recruiting

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20080602/mcduffee

By Allen McDuffee
May 16, 2008

April 10 was a telling day for military recruitment in Washington,
even if the words "military recruitment" were barely uttered.

The end of two days of intense Congressional testimony from General
David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker, a speech from George Bush
and testimony from Defense Secretary Robert Gates in front of the
Senate Committee on Armed Services triangulated the point we
subconsciously knew all along. The troops aren't coming home.

They informed us that troop levels in Iraq won't drop to 100,000 by
the end of the year, that Petraeus will have "all the time he needs"
to contemplate additional withdrawals and that there would be a
reduction in tour time from fifteen to twelve months for those
deployed in the future--not an offer for the troops currently
engaged, many of whom are in Iraq or Afghanistan for their second,
third or fourth tour.

Calculating this imbalanced equation of maintaining troop levels
while reducing tour duration should have led to the question, Where
will the troops come from? Instead, this three-front assault kept
media and Congress primarily focused on the ethics of withdrawing
from Iraq--an argument the Bush Administration is much more
comfortable having than one on the human costs of invasion and occupation.

In the midst of that April 10 speech, Bush boasted that "recruiting
and retention have remained strong during the surge." Of course he
neglected to mention how the Army, because of low numbers of new
recruits, was forced to refashion its enlistment criteria over the
course of the last few years, allowing them to say at this moment
that they were meeting their 2008 recruiting goals of 80,000 in the
active Army and 26,500 for the Army Reserve.

Achieving that goal required a reduction in the annual recruitment
goal, raising the maximum enlistment age from 35 to 42, permitting
those who are overweight or have physical injuries, granting entry to
those with a criminal record and lowering the aptitude standards. A
study by the National Priorities Project released in January
determined that just over 70 percent of new recruits joining the
active-duty Army in 2007 had a high school diploma, falling nearly
twenty points below the Army's goal of 90 percent. The Army has long
known that high school graduation is an important factor, not for
performance but for retention.

All these important stories about recruitment shortcomings and
concessions had a short shelf life (if they were covered at all) when
mainstream media chose to cover sensationalist stories such as the
March 6 Times Square bombing and a rash of other acts of violence and
vandalism against recruitment centers. But just weeks before the
Times Square bombing, an important recruitment story was left
severely underreported: the 2009 Department of Defense (DoD) budget
proposal put a $20.5 billion line in the budget for recruiting,
nearly doubling it from 2008. In 2003, the budget was $4 billion.

Even with the denigration of Army recruitment standards to boost
enlistment, the Department of Defense realized they would have to
throw money at the problem. Despite the fact that these numbers were
up front in the budget summaries, this $20.5 billion barely received
passing mention. As William Hartung, Director of the Arms and
Security Initiative at the New America Foundation, points out, "The
Pentagon has no incentive to broadcast how much they're spending,
since it is an indicator of yet another devastating consequence of
the Iraq war--the increasing possibility that the US may have a hard
time sustaining a high-quality, volunteer military in the wake of Iraq."

To be sure, the $515.4 billion 2009 overall Department of Defense
budget was criticized for being miscalculated, misrepresented and
misleading, causing Winslow Wheeler, the director of the Center for
Defense Information's Strauss Military Reform Project, to write that
"the more you look into the numbers, the more things become unclear,
very unclear." Wheeler points to the Office of Management and Budget
(OMB) calculation, which corrected the Pentagon's math on their own
budget, putting the Pentagon's request at $518.3 billion, a
difference of $2.9 billion in mathematical errors. Even that number
is incomplete, since it doesn't include the $70 billion supplemental
funds for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan--a number that, in
Wheeler's opinion, ought to be tripled. Nor does it include the $17.1
billion for nuclear weapons research and storage under the Department
of Energy's budget.

But the criticism of weaponry has come at the cost of turning a blind
eye to the recruitment budget, which has both human and economic
costs. Hartung, co-editor with Miriam Pemberton of Lessons from Iraq:
Avoiding the Next War, points out that "weapons systems are large and
tangible, and at least once in a while there's a debate on what to
buy." For Hartung, the recruitment budget "might be getting less
attention than it deserves because no one has been looking closely
enough at the budget," but--more important--"no one on Capitol Hill
is going to come out against recruitment."

According to the Department of Defense, the $20.5 billion will be
needed to increase the size of the Active Army to 547,000 and the
Marine Corps to 202,000, $15.5 billion to the Army and $5 billion to
the Marines. Linda Bilmes, co-author with Joseph Stiglitz of The
Three Trillion Dollar War, explains: "The recruiting budget has
skyrocketed due to: (a) increased number of recruiters; (b) increased
recruitment bonuses; (c) increased payments to Madison Ave
advertising companies who are coming up with the marketing and
research to put behind this; (d) increased outreach to 'influencers'
like parents/coaches and increased pay, travel and expenses for the
recruiters." Indeed, enlistment bonuses, advertising, maintaining
recruitment stations and the pay and benefits of tens of thousands of
military recruiters make for an expensive operation.

In February, the Army introduced the Army Advantage Fund, a new
recruiting program that offers completion bonuses of up to $40,000 to
buy a home or start a business. Eligibility requires a high school
diploma, top 50 percent on the Army's aptitude test and three to five
years of active duty in what the Army calls a "critical MOS"--an
enlisted position that has high manpower shortages. But Bilmes says,
"What's worth pointing out is that DoD opposes the Webb-Hagel bill to
increase GI Bill educational benefits to servicemen at the cost of $4
billion per year, which would directly boost recruiting far more
effectively than the strategy that DoD is following now. DoD opposes
this because it worries that it will then have a retention problem."

"If you don't like these recruiting practices," Wheeler told The
Nation, "do something about the war." It's difficult to disagree with
this in principle; if you don't want $20.5 billion spent to recruit
American youth (and the not so youthful), then don't create a need
for them--i.e., end the war. Of course, one only need be reminded of
Cheney's March 19 contemptuous "So?" to realize a one-sided strategy
is an ineffective strategy.

We should have known that such a drastic increase in the recruitment
budget would have resulted in the outcome that Petraeus and Crocker
presented. More importantly, since budgets are prepared several
months in advance of their February release date for the fiscal year,
which begins October 1, the drastic increase means this
Administration and the Department of Defense knew well before
February that neither troop reduction nor withdrawal was ever on the
table for discussion.

If the recruitment dollars don't yield the result the Department of
Defense hopes for, there is an alternative: Wheeler told The Nation,
"A draft would be an excellent way to share the burden of war."
--

About Allen McDuffee

Allen McDuffee writes on politics and Middle East affairs and is
currently at work on a book, No Child Left Unrecruited. He lives in Brooklyn.

.

The Pentagon Has Bolstered its Recruitment Budget, But Where Will The Troops Come From?

The Pentagon Has Bolstered its Recruitment Budget,
But Where Will The Troops Come From?

http://www.alternet.org/waroniraq/85764/

By Allen McDuffee, The Nation
May 19, 2008.

We know the military has lowered the bar for enlisting, but few
realize how much money we're paying the DoD for their shady
recruitment practices.
--

The end of two days of intense Congressional testimony from General
David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker, a speech from George Bush
and testimony from Defense Secretary Robert Gates in front of the
Senate Committee on Armed Services triangulated the point we
subconsciously knew all along. The troops aren't coming home.

They informed us that troop levels in Iraq won't drop to 100,000 by
the end of the year, that Petraeus will have "all the time he needs"
to contemplate additional withdrawals and that there would be a
reduction in tour time from fifteen to twelve months for those
deployed in the future -- not an offer for the troops currently
engaged, many of whom are in Iraq or Afghanistan for their second,
third or fourth tour.

Calculating this imbalanced equation of maintaining troop levels
while reducing tour duration should have led to the question, Where
will the troops come from? Instead, this three-front assault kept
media and Congress primarily focused on the ethics of withdrawing
from Iraq -- an argument the Bush Administration is much more
comfortable having than one on the human costs of invasion and occupation.

In the midst of that April 10 speech, Bush boasted that "recruiting
and retention have remained strong during the surge." Of course he
neglected to mention how the Army, because of low numbers of new
recruits, was forced to refashion its enlistment criteria over the
course of the last few years, allowing them to say at this moment
that they were meeting their 2008 recruiting goals of 80,000 in the
active Army and 26,500 for the Army Reserve.

Achieving that goal required a reduction in the annual recruitment
goal, raising the maximum enlistment age from 35 to 42, permitting
those who are overweight or have physical injuries, granting entry to
those with a criminal record and lowering the aptitude standards. A
study by the National Priorities Project released in January
determined that just over 70 percent of new recruits joining the
active-duty Army in 2007 had a high school diploma, falling nearly
twenty points below the Army's goal of 90 percent. The Army has long
known that high school graduation is an important factor, not for
performance but for retention.

All these important stories about recruitment shortcomings and
concessions had a short shelf life (if they were covered at all) when
mainstream media chose to cover sensationalist stories such as the
March 6th Times Square bombing and a rash of other acts of violence
and vandalism against recruitment centers. But just weeks before the
Times Square bombing, an important recruitment story was left
severely underreported: the 2009 Department of Defense (DoD) budget
proposal put a $20.5 billion line in the budget for recruiting,
nearly doubling it from 2008. In 2003, the budget was $4 billion.

Even with the denigration of Army recruitment standards to boost
enlistment, the Department of Defense realized they would have to
throw money at the problem. Despite the fact that these numbers were
up front in the budget summaries, this $20.5 billion barely received
passing mention. As William Hartung, Director of the Arms and
Security Initiative at the New America Foundation, points out, "The
Pentagon has no incentive to broadcast how much they're spending,
since it is an indicator of yet another devastating consequence of
the Iraq war -- the increasing possibility that the US may have a
hard time sustaining a high-quality, volunteer military in the wake of Iraq."

To be sure, the $515.4 billion 2009 overall Department of Defense
budget was criticized for being miscalculated, misrepresented and
misleading, causing Winslow Wheeler, the director of the Center for
Defense Information's Strauss Military Reform Project, to write that
"the more you look into the numbers, the more things become unclear,
very unclear." Wheeler points to the Office of Management and Budget
(OMB) calculation, which corrected the Pentagon's math on their own
budget, putting the Pentagon's request at $518.3 billion, a
difference of $2.9 billion in mathematical errors. Even that number
is incomplete, since it doesn't include the $70 billion supplemental
funds for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan -- a number that, in
Wheeler's opinion, ought to be tripled. Nor does it include the $17.1
billion for nuclear weapons research and storage under the Department
of Energy's budget.

But the criticism of weaponry has come at the cost of turning a blind
eye to the recruitment budget, which has both human and economic
costs. Hartung, co-editor with Miriam Pemberton of Lessons from Iraq:
Avoiding the Next War, points out that "weapons systems are large and
tangible, and at least once in a while there's a debate on what to
buy." For Hartung, the recruitment budget "might be getting less
attention than it deserves because no one has been looking closely
enough at the budget," but -- more important -- "no one on Capitol
Hill is going to come out against recruitment."

According to the Department of Defense, the $20.5 billion will be
needed to increase the size of the Active Army to 547,000 and the
Marine Corps to 202,000, $15.5 billion to the Army and $5 billion to
the Marines. Linda Bilmes, co-author with Joseph Stiglitz of The
Three Trillion Dollar War, explains: "The recruiting budget has
skyrocketed due to: (a) increased number of recruiters; (b) increased
recruitment bonuses; (c) increased payments to Madison Ave
advertising companies who are coming up with the marketing and
research to put behind this; (d) increased outreach to 'influencers'
like parents/coaches and increased pay, travel and expenses for the
recruiters." Indeed, enlistment bonuses, advertising, maintaining
recruitment stations and the pay and benefits of tens of thousands of
military recruiters make for an expensive operation.

In February, the Army introduced the Army Advantage Fund, a new
recruiting program that offers completion bonuses of up to $40,000 to
buy a home or start a business. Eligibility requires a high school
diploma, top 50 percent on the Army's aptitude test and three to five
years of active duty in what the Army calls a "critical MOS" -- an
enlisted position that has high manpower shortages. But Bilmes says,
"What's worth pointing out is that DoD opposes the Webb-Hagel bill to
increase GI Bill educational benefits to servicemen at the cost of $4
billion per year, which would directly boost recruiting far more
effectively than the strategy that DoD is following now. DoD opposes
this because it worries that it will then have a retention problem."

"If you don't like these recruiting practices," Wheeler told The
Nation, "do something about the war." It's difficult to disagree with
this in principle; if you don't want $20.5 billion spent to recruit
American youth (and the not so youthful), then don't create a need
for them -- i.e., end the war. Of course, one only need be reminded
of Cheney's March 19 contemptuous "So?" to realize a one-sided
strategy is an ineffective strategy.

We should have known that such a drastic increase in the recruitment
budget would have resulted in the outcome that Petraeus and Crocker
presented. More importantly, since budgets are prepared several
months in advance of their February release date for the fiscal year,
which begins October 1st, the drastic increase means this
Administration and the Department of Defense knew well before
February that neither troop reduction nor withdrawal was ever on the
table for discussion.

If the recruitment dollars don't yield the result the Department of
Defense hopes for, there is an alternative: Wheeler told The Nation,
"A draft would be an excellent way to share the burden of war."

.